During the era of Martial Law, when political parties were still banned, a new party was formed, which drew on the twin ideals of “democracy” and “progress” for its name. In 1986 the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) was established to challenge the hegemonic, colonialist Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), which viewed Taiwan as its own private fiefdom while it was exiled from China and preyed on Taiwanese like parasites.
Parading around the words “democratic” and “progressive” — which may be equally applied to those on the left and the right of the political spectrum — is all very well, but politics in Taiwan is still blanketed in colonialist ideology and the country remains unrecognized as a nation state. The DPP often doubles up with the KMT as a right-wing party, and the parties are only differentiated by their respective orientations toward the national status of Taiwan and China.
Since it was founded in 1986, the DPP has made a significant contribution toward the pursuit of democracy and progress in Taiwan by breaking through the ban on political parties. However, the party often becomes bewildered by power, losing its sense of perspective and giving way to factional wrangling and internal strife.
In 2000, Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) was elected as president of Taiwan, representing the DPP. Four years later when he was re-elected, the DPP was at the height of its power. However, this unstable new political power was not sufficiently democratic or progressive, and failed to fulfill its responsibilities to promote transitional justice.
Moments after stepping down, Chen was persecuted by President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) and the newly restored old regime. Chen’s treatment in prison stands in stark contrast to that of former Military Intelligence Bureau head vice admiral Wang Hsi-ling (汪希苓), who was incarcerated in Jingmei prison during former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) era for his involvement in the assassination of dissident writer Chiang Nan (江南) on US soil. Wang was provided with independent accommodation replete with his own personal cook. Chen’s disproportionate treatment is most intolerable. Is it any wonder so many people hope Ma will be handled in a similar way to Chen when he steps down?
In politics, right and wrong is often relative, in contrast to absolute morality in culture. For example, in politics when two countries are at war with each other, the military can kill the enemy; but in the cultural sphere nobody is allowed to kill another.
Political donations come from a variety of sources — both legitimate and murky. Sometimes government and private sector interests become intertwined, rendering it impossible for donations to be completely legitimate. So, relatively speaking, the KMT’s crime is certainly the greater of the two. Sometimes absolute right and wrong — similar to that found in the cultural sphere — is used as a tool in the pursuit of political power, but this often goes too far and has a negative impact on the public interest.
Chen must have asked many older DPP members to step aside so he could lead the DPP, but how many of his comrades then turned against him because they felt that he handed out favors to his friends and family?
Power is conferred upon politicians by the public, a public that hopes to overturn the pernicious, colonialist KMT rulers in next year’s elections. The electorate must remember the great setback that has befallen Taiwan since 2008 and regain its sense of hope.
As the KMT, facing imminent collapse, seeks to launch a counteroffensive, the potential for mischief-making has increased. The DPP must remain vigilant and, above all, avoid giving the public a reason to lament the state of politics in Taiwan.
Lee Min-yung is a poet and political commentator.
Translated by Edward Jones
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