From the day Thailand’s military coup leader seized power last month, he has promised unspecified reforms to restore stability and return to civilian rule and democracy.
Yet, General Prayuth Chan-ocha has mentioned a striking obstacle to a “fully functional democracy” — elections.
The general says elections have contributed to years of bitter political division and sometimes-violent street protests in Thailand. The military says intractable turmoil forced it to step in and topple a government for the second time in a decade.
“We need to solve many issues, from administration to the budget system to corruption,” Prayuth said in a recent radio address. “And even the starting point of democracy itself — the election.”
“Parliamentary dictatorship has to be removed. All these have caused conflict and unhappiness among Thai people,” he said.
The statement was the strongest sign yet of what many analysts suspect is the true aim of the May 22 coup: limiting the impact of future elections in Thailand by relying more on appointed institutions or some other formula to limit majority rule.
The elected government led by former Thai prime minister Yingluck Shinawatra was weakened by six months of often massive protests and a succession of court rulings. Anti-government protesters blocking polling places and a subsequent court ruling scuttled February elections that Yingluck’s party had been widely expected to win.
Opponents of the ousted government are intent on removing the influence of Yingluck’s brother, former Thai prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who was himself ousted in a 2006 military coup. The billionaire has lived in self-imposed exile for years to avoid serving time for corruption charges he says were politically motivated, and it was a proposal to grant him amnesty that sparked the protests against his sister’s government.
Thaksin’s supporters have won every election since 2001, to the ire of many in Thailand who see him as a corrupt demagogue who abuses power and buys votes with populist promises.
The general did not explain what he meant by “parliamentary dictatorship,” nor has he elaborated on any specifics of reforms, but he made clear his opinion that the current electoral system was not working.
“They always say ‘reform,’ and what does ‘reform’ mean? At one level, it means get rid of Thaksin, his people and control his power base,” said Thongchai Winichakul, a Thai professor of history at the University of Wisconsin.
Support for Thaksin is strongest among poorer, rural Thais, particularly in the country’s north and northeast. His opponents are concentrated in Bangkok and the south, and are more likely to be wealthy or middle class.
“In their view, people keep electing the wrong government. There is the core of it,” said Duncan McCargo, professor of Southeast Asian politics at Britain’s University of Leeds, said of the anti-Thaksin forces who have repeatedly turned out into streets, taking over government buildings and once even occupying Thailand’s international airport for a week.
The most recent protesters, led by a former leader of the main opposition party, Suthep Thaugsuban, complained of “the tyranny of the parliamentary majority” and called for setting up an unelected council to usher in reforms. That roughly matches the plans of the junta — officially known as the National Council for Peace and Order — though for the moment it is promoting “happiness” and reconciliation as it cracks down on all forms of dissent.