Spring has seen a rapid deterioration of Hong Kong’s autonomy under Chinese rule. Less than a week after tens of thousands of citizens gathered in Hong King’s Victoria Park to commemorate the 25th anniversary of the Tiananmen pro-democracy movement, China’s State Council released a controversial white paper to affirm its total control over the city. This has completely eroded the political goodwill China had built with the people of Hong Kong since 1997, neutering the whole framework of China’s “one country, two systems” policy.
The Basic Law, Hong Kong’s mini-constitution, guarantees that China’s socialist system and policies are not implemented in Hong Kong, and that the existing capitalist system and way of life would remain unchanged for 50 years (1997-2047). This political arrangement was initially designed to ease the public’s fears over the city’s future.
The first deadline for Hong Kong’s transition passed smoothly on July 1, 1997. Since the Asian financial crisis of 1998 and the global economic meltdown of 2008, the city has fully recovered thanks to China’s rapid economic growth. However, the second deadline is approaching. By 2047, Hong Kong is mandated to be integrated into China’s political, economic and social structures.
In addition, the Basic Law guarantees universal suffrage in elections for Hong Kong’s chief executive and legislators. Inspired by the democratization of Taiwan, Hong Kongers want to be directly involved in their government’s decisionmaking process. They seek to create a constitutional mechanism that allows them to exercise their democratic rights.
Nevertheless, China has only transferred political authority to its handpicked agents in Hong Kong. It even states that allegiance to the Chinese Communist Party is a precondition for becoming a chief executive. Unless Hong Kongers adopt the Chinese authoritarian model of governance, Beijing will never allow them to elect their chief executive.
Out of frustration at being marginalized, Hong Kongers are organizing the Occupy Central campaign for next month, a civil disobedience movement demanding direct democracy. In response, Chinese leaders have launched a systematic smear campaign in preparation for a full-scale crackdown on the pro-democracy activists. This demonstrates China’s resolve to seek justifications within its domestic laws for political interference and even a military crackdown in advance of any large-scale protests.
In the past few months, Beijing has used state-controlled media to warn of limits to freedom and democracy in Hong Kong. These efforts to demonize opponents constitute an important part of China’s legal and psychological warfare against pro-democracy activists in Hong Kong.
Politically, Chinese leaders are seeking to maximize their options for Hong Kong. They employ nationalistic rhetoric, party propaganda and official regulations to justify the use of any measures to restore control, including violence against protesters.
China seems to have overplayed its hand in intimidating Hong Kongers. Making people submissive and obedient is different from the art of winning trust and showing leadership.
To regain trust and confidence, China must restate its commitment to “one country, two systems.” The first urgent task is to implement universal suffrage for Hong Kong’s chief executive and legislators, not interfering with the city’s internal affairs covertly and letting residents decide their destiny through democratic means. This will create a platform for the Chinese leadership and Hong Kongers to dialogue with each other openly and equally.
China signed the Sino-British Joint Declaration on Dec. 19, 1984, an international agreement that ensured a high level of autonomy for Hong Kong after the city’s handover in 1997. If Beijing ignores its obligations under this agreement, it will undermine the appeal of China’s rise to neighboring states and lead to much doubt about the country’s commitment to the international system.
Furthermore, China should embrace innovative political experiments in Hong Kong. This would have a constructive outcome, building trust on both sides and establishing a model of effective governance to resolve serious domestic discontent within Chinese territories. Perhaps Beijing can even apply the same experiment of “one country, two systems” to the rest of the country.
July 1 will mark the 17th anniversary of the handover of the sovereignty of Hong Kong to the People’s Republic of China. A rising China that denies the people of Hong Kong what they desire — freedom and democracy — drives frustrated segments of the population to organize large-scale demonstrations in pursuit of justice.
It may not be too late for Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) to turn back these scare tactics on Hong Kong, but time is definitely running out.
Joseph Tse-Hei Lee is professor of history at Pace University in New York.
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