The Winter Olympics in Sochi are the first to be hosted by Russia since the Cold War-era Moscow Summer Games in 1980. Obviously, much has changed politically in the interim, but these Games created an opportune moment to look back at Russia’s recent economic history — and to peer forward as well.
Many people who remember the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and its tumultuous aftermath believe that the Russian economy today must be impoverished and unstable — and far behind booming China. They are wrong.
According to the IMF, Russia’s per capita income last year, measured in terms of purchasing power parity, was about US$18,600, nearly double China’s per capita income of about US$10,000. And, according to World Bank data, extreme poverty is close to zero, compared with 11.8 percent in China in 2009 (the most recent year for which data are available).
Yes, Russia’s economy has been buoyed recently not only by sound macroeconomic policies, but also by high world oil and gas prices. The collapse of world oil prices after 1985 contributed to the severe economic crisis in the Soviet Union and Russia in the late 1980s and early 1990s. This is an important point, given that the economic reforms implemented by former Soviet president Mikhail Gorbachev and former Russian president Boris Yeltsin confronted powerful headwinds.
ECONOMIC ADVICE
In 1992 and 1993, I was a macroeconomic adviser to then-Russian prime minister Yegor Gaidar and then-Russian minister of finance Boris Fyodorov, trying to help Russia to end the high inflation and extreme shortages that characterized the final years of the Soviet era, and to begin Russia’s transition to a market economy. I recommended a macroeconomic stabilization strategy that had been highly successful in Poland, and that called for timely financial assistance from the US, Europe and the IMF, just as Poland had received.
Unfortunately, the West did not provide the needed financial assistance, contrary to my (and many other people’s) recommendations, and the Russian economic and financial calamity was more severe as a result.
At the time, I attributed Western inaction to incompetence on the part of the US government and the IMF. Looking back, it is clear that there was also a deliberate strategy by US neoconservatives, such as then-US secretary of defense Dick Cheney, to weaken the new Russian state. The US government was also complicit during the mid-1990s in the plundering of Russian state-owned property, including oil assets that were unscrupulously privatized.
The good news is that Russia was able to bounce back from those terrible years, no thanks to the West or the US government. Russia’s market economy, albeit marred by corruption, took root. After several years of political infighting and unnecessary delay, macroeconomic stabilization was achieved and Russia’s economic growth was restored, especially as world oil and gas prices began to rise. From 2001 to last year, Russia’s GDP grew at a robust 4.4 percent average annual rate.
Russia achieved a good measure of financial stability as well. The IMF put Russia’s inflation rate at 6.9 percent last year, with unemployment at 5.5 percent, while the budget deficit was just 0.3 percent of GDP. Moreover, Russia’s foreign-exchange reserves stand at a healthy US$500 billion.
Russia could achieve still greater success by basing its economy on two growth engines rather than one. Oil and gas will continue to provide a strong lift to Russia for years to come, especially as China becomes a major customer. Yet Russia also has vast and still underdeveloped potential in many global high-tech industries.
HIGH-TECH PRODUCTS
During the Soviet era, Russia produced a vast array of high-tech industrial products, from airplanes to computers to sophisticated machine goods. Unlike Chinese industry, Russia’s manufacturing branches were almost completely cut off from world markets by the Cold War and by Soviet planning. When post-Soviet Russia opened to trade, its industrial enterprises lagged far behind cutting-edge technologies, especially in the dynamic information and communications technology (ICT) sector.
Many industries collapsed, owing to neglect, lack of international partners and financial chaos. Those that survived did so only barely, with greatly reduced output going mainly to the ex-Soviet market.
Russia has the know-how, skilled engineering, and natural-resource base to become a global competitor in a range of major high-tech industries, including nuclear energy, commercial aviation, commercial space technology, including satellites and GPS, ICT hardware and software, electric vehicles, high-speed rail, petrochemicals and heavy equipment for the mining and hydrocarbon sectors. All of these industries will benefit from the potential for enormous demand growth in large markets, such as China, Africa and India.
Achieving long-term growth led by high-tech industries requires a business environment that encourages private-sector investment, including openness to foreign players. Moreover, the social and political environment must be conducive to a high-tech labor force, providing an attractive quality of life, ensuring civil liberties and supporting entrepreneurship and creativity. Finally, economic policies must promote technological advances and global technical cooperation in promising sectors.
NUCLEAR POWER
It is notable that Russia recently completed an agreement to finance a nuclear power plant in Hungary, and looks likely to do the same in Turkey. The demand for nuclear energy will grow as part of the global effort to decarbonize the world energy system. Russia’s new reactors seem to be safe and competitive with those produced elsewhere. Similarly, new Russian-built civilian aircraft might enter the global market in partnership with international firms, especially those that can work with Russian companies on advanced ICT avionics.
In 1991, many thought that Russia could not end high inflation, adopt a market economy or compete effectively in world markets. Two decades later, Russia has proved the skeptics wrong.
Yes, Russia remains too dependent on oil and gas and should move further on transparency, openness and competition in business and governance. Yet the trend is positive: Russia has become a stable, high-income market economy, with strong prospects for decades of rapid GDP growth and high-tech progress if it pursues a sensible economic strategy in the coming years.
Jeffrey Sachs is a professor of sustainable development, professor of health policy and management and director of the Earth Institute at Columbia University. He is also special adviser to the UN secretary-general on the Millennium Development Goals.
Copyright: Project Syndicate
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.
Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, people have been asking if Taiwan is the next Ukraine. At a G7 meeting of national leaders in January, Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida warned that Taiwan “could be the next Ukraine” if Chinese aggression is not checked. NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg has said that if Russia is not defeated, then “today, it’s Ukraine, tomorrow it can be Taiwan.” China does not like this rhetoric. Its diplomats ask people to stop saying “Ukraine today, Taiwan tomorrow.” However, the rhetoric and stated ambition of Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) on Taiwan shows strong parallels with