On Thursday, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) discussed its report on its China policy. That was also the day when the legislature conducted party talks on the Mainland Affairs Council’s budget.
Of these two issues, the council’s budget is the more urgent, as budgets and legislation are the only two methods the legislature has to effectively monitor the government.
Now is the time to demand that the government face public opinion before the fleeting opportunity disappears. It is also the time to ask whether the DPP has done enough to gain an understanding of a meeting between Mainland Affairs Council Minister Wang Yu-chi (王郁琦) and Taiwan Affairs Office (TAO) Director Zhang Zhijun (張志軍), which will take place after the Lunar New Year and be the first item on the cross-strait political agenda.
If the China policy is the most important aspect of the DPP’s attempt to change its image, adjust its strategy and become more pragmatic, then Taiwanese will at the same time pay attention to what the party says and does.
The DPP’s China policy is the main point preceding its actions and statements, and by evaluating these two things, the public will form its overall conclusion.
Since May last year, observers have seen how the party’s China Affairs Committee has been working hard concentrating its brain power, holding several meetings to discuss a new approach to cross-strait relations. When it comes to the issue of implementation, opinions differ, and this leaves room for further discussion.
For example, has the DPP, Taiwan’s biggest opposition party, made the most fundamental preparations to deal with the issue of Wang’s upcoming visit to China and his meeting with Zhang?
The only way to successfully respond to public opinion and protect Taiwan is by taking solid action. Such action must involve two factors: expertise and determination. This is why protestation is always more difficult than obedience.
What is the opposition doing in the legislature to bring about the most fundamental monitoring of the meeting between Wang and Zhang? Democracy requires that the legislature as a whole is responsible for paying attention to the first official meeting between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait.
Looking to international diplomatic experience, there are at least three stages at which the legislature must actively intervene: prior to, during and after the meeting. Taiwanese legislation may be incomplete, but the central government’s budget for this year still has not been approved pending negotiations between the ruling and the opposition parties. This is an opportunity for the legislature to — with enough ammunition — make up for legal shortcomings. It also provides the Cabinet with a way of blocking inappropriate Chinese pressure, and that is something that should not be overlooked by KMT legislators.
First, before Wang leaves for China, he must be required to give a substantial report at the legislature rather than simply having the council inform the legislative speaker. If necessary, the report could be given in a closed meeting. How the meeting is formed is not the point; the point is that Wang must be forced to make clear plans before he leaves and officials must pledge to follow the plans or the budget will not be passed.
There are two aspects of doing this. First, Wang must give the legislature detailed information about the visit including its goals, agenda, strategy and status.
Second, the legislature must make an explicit list of points Wang must follow while in China. This might include prohibiting him from responding to the political framework set up by Beijing, rejecting arrangements made by Beijing aimed at denying Taiwan’s sovereignty, holding press conferences or other public events to protest such attempts, prohibiting him from signing documents with Zhang, or to issue joint statements during his time in China.
Wang must not be allowed to cross the red line on any major issue that is not supported by an overwhelming domestic consensus, such as allowing media outlets to set up permanent offices on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, exchanging liaison offices and agreeing to a meeting between President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) and Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平). If he were to do any of these things, he should be required to shoulder full political responsibility for doing so.
Second, although the legislature will not be in session during Wang’s visit to China, it must demand that if any major unexpected issue occurs, the council must submit a report to the legislature and the legislative speaker should be allowed to convene a meeting of legislators to discuss the issue and provide Wang with the its opinion. Wang should abide by their decision and submit a report to the legislature after returning to Taiwan so the it can determine whether he has followed the legislative resolution and decide on a response to the Cabinet.
Has the DPP initiated a process that will implement an intervention at these three stages? The answer is that the party has been so silent as to cause extraordinary concern among observers. We call on the DPP to display a minimal level of political action and quickly linform the public that it is an expert and determined opposition party worthy of the voter’s trust.
Translated by Perry Svensson
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