If a non-Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) candidate is to stand a chance of winning the Taipei mayoral election, the candidate will need at least one of the following: a split within the KMT; anger among KMT supporters over corruption and waste within the city government, coupled with a desire to teach the party a lesson; or for the other political parties to come together and field a candidate that is to the electorate’s liking.
The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), together with other political forces, have the potential to fulfill the third criterion, but the biggest problem is deciding who will be most popular with the electorate.
In terms of experience and oratorical skills, National Taiwan University physician Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) cannot compete with former vice president Annette Lu (呂秀蓮), DPP Legislator Hsu Tain-tsair (許添財), Taipei City Council Deputy Speaker Chou Po-ya (周柏雅) or lawyer Wellington Koo (顧立雄).
The only things Ko has going for him are his youth and freshness, which position him relatively closer to the Internet generation, which includes many journalists.
The lack of the “oh no, not you again” effect accounts for Ko’s popularity in the polls.
DPP Chairman Su Tseng-chang (蘇貞昌) has his work cut out for him. He has to abide by the party’s rules and yet there is nobody in the party doing as well in the polls as Ko.
Actually, if the non-KMT forces prioritize defeating the KMT over everything else, they could always consider the “electoral fusion” or “ multiple party nomination” option sometimes used in local elections in the US.
The peculiar make-up of the New York City electorate, being comprised mainly of Catholics, Jews, African Americans and immigrants, predisposes it to voting Democrat.
For example, in the two decades following the end of former New York City mayor Fiorello La Guardia’s term — from 1945 to 1966 — there was not one Republican New York mayor.
The Republicans’ dry spell was broken by John Lindsay, a political maverick who registered for the 1965 New York mayoral election as a Republican, supported by the Liberal Party of New York. His campaign motto at that time was: “He is fresh and everyone else is tired.”
Enjoying support from the Democratic Party and help from New York State Governor Nelson Rockefeller and Senator Jacob Javits, he won the three-way election.
However, when it came to seeking a second term, Lindsay lost the Republican primaries.
He still made it onto the list of candidates, but as a nominee of the Liberal Party of New York.
He won.
During the course of his two terms and eight years in office as New York mayor, Lindsay changed his political affiliation twice.
Between 1966 and 1969, for his first term, he stood as a Republican, with Liberal Party of New York support.
For re-election in 1969, he was with the Liberal Party of New York.
The following year he registered with the Democratic Party, retaining Liberal Party of New York support.
If the non-KMT forces trust the opinion polls — in which Ko is doing quite well — and make putting an end to the KMT’s politics of privilege a priority, then the best way to fulfill that third criterion could well be to let Ko into the DPP, let the party vote on whether it would accept him as its candidate and then negotiate with other political parties to give Ko their joint nomination.
James Wang is a media commentator.
Translated by Paul Cooper
Could Asia be on the verge of a new wave of nuclear proliferation? A look back at the early history of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), which recently celebrated its 75th anniversary, illuminates some reasons for concern in the Indo-Pacific today. US Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin recently described NATO as “the most powerful and successful alliance in history,” but the organization’s early years were not without challenges. At its inception, the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty marked a sea change in American strategic thinking. The United States had been intent on withdrawing from Europe in the years following
My wife and I spent the week in the interior of Taiwan where Shuyuan spent her childhood. In that town there is a street that functions as an open farmer’s market. Walk along that street, as Shuyuan did yesterday, and it is next to impossible to come home empty-handed. Some mangoes that looked vaguely like others we had seen around here ended up on our table. Shuyuan told how she had bought them from a little old farmer woman from the countryside who said the mangoes were from a very old tree she had on her property. The big surprise
The issue of China’s overcapacity has drawn greater global attention recently, with US Secretary of the Treasury Janet Yellen urging Beijing to address its excess production in key industries during her visit to China last week. Meanwhile in Brussels, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen last week said that Europe must have a tough talk with China on its perceived overcapacity and unfair trade practices. The remarks by Yellen and Von der Leyen come as China’s economy is undergoing a painful transition. Beijing is trying to steer the world’s second-largest economy out of a COVID-19 slump, the property crisis and
Former president Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) trip to China provides a pertinent reminder of why Taiwanese protested so vociferously against attempts to force through the cross-strait service trade agreement in 2014 and why, since Ma’s presidential election win in 2012, they have not voted in another Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) candidate. While the nation narrowly avoided tragedy — the treaty would have put Taiwan on the path toward the demobilization of its democracy, which Courtney Donovan Smith wrote about in the Taipei Times in “With the Sunflower movement Taiwan dodged a bullet” — Ma’s political swansong in China, which included fawning dithyrambs