Walking into referendum trap
In the debate over the wording and conditions of the planned referendum on Taiwan Power Co’s (Taipower) Fourth Nuclear Power Plant in New Taipei City’s (新北市) Gongliao District (貢寮), little time has been given to analyzing why the Executive Yuan suddenly decided it would put the matter to a public vote.
This debate, and the vote on nuclear power, is a distraction from the true purpose of pushing for a referendum.
Construction on the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant began in 1999 and was temporarily halted in 2000, before being resumed a year later.
In May 2000, legislators across party lines urged the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT)-controlled Legislative Yuan to pass a referendum act to allow the public to decide the matter.
The New Party and KMT both opposed passing the act because national referendums symbolized Taiwan’s independence — since voters from China would not be allowed to participate — and because it was feared the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) would use a referendum to put the question of unification with China to a direct vote.
In 2003, a heavily watered down Referendum Act (公民投票法) was passed that not only excluded issues of sovereignty, territory and a new constitution from being voted on, but also set in place the “Double-50” clause that requires more than 50 percent of the electorate to participate for a referendum to be valid, and more than 50 percent of those having to vote in favor of a proposal in order for it to be approved.
The KMT had again gracefully “compromised” in a way that secured all its own important objectives whilst allowing the opposition limited symbolic achievements of its own.
Almost every national referendum since has failed and the Referendum Review Committee has been an obedient guard dog for the KMT to prevent votes on important issues, such as the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA).
Why then now call for a referendum on nuclear power?
First, since the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant project is almost complete, most of the construction contracts have been handed out and the budget already spent.
For the KMT, the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant was a way to distribute funds through patronage networks to ensure political support.
That has been achieved. The close relationship between the KMT and Taipower can be seen in the fact that Minister of Economic Affairs Chang Chia-juch (張家祝) is a former Taipower executive, and the head of the Taipower workers’ union is a member of the KMT’s Central Standing Committee.
Whether the plant goes into operation or whether it meets the nation’s energy requirements is academic.
It may then be the KMT’s strategy to use this referendum as a practice run.
In 2011, President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) promised a referendum before signing any peace agreement with China.
That promise is an important component, alongside the ECFA, of Ma’s attempts to build the appearance of a public mandate to accelerate unification with China.
The nuclear referendum may be a ploy to gauge the strength of opposition and to determine the best way to frame and present a peace deal referendum.
Whilst the DPP and anti-nuclear groups are right to oppose the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant and to call for amendments to the Referendum Act, they should also be wary of the government’s ulterior motives, lest they make themselves useful tools for an administration seeking to beguile Taiwanese into believing that they voted for unification.
Ben Goren
Taipei
Cairo claims lack substance
I read with fascination the last paragraph of a Taipei Times article on centenarian Flying Tiger Lee Hsueh-yan (李學炎), (“Ex-Flying Tiger turns 102,” March 5, page 3), which reads: “The Cairo Declaration [...] is the basis for the ROC government’s sovereignty claim over Taiwan.”
Indeed, for the past 60 years, the Cairo Declaration has been cited by the ROC government to justify its presence in Taiwan.
The People’s Republic of China (PRC) also cites the Cairo Declaration to augment its claim that Taiwan is part of China.
The Cairo Declaration is held at the US National Archives just outside Washington.
Several years ago I received a letter from the assistant archivist for records services at the US National Archives, who wrote: “The National Archives and Records Administration has not filed this declaration under treaties. […] The declaration was a communique and it does not have [a] treaty series (TS) or executive agreement series (EAS) number.”
Clearly, the ROC and PRC sovereignty claims over Taiwan have feet of clay.
The 1943 Cairo Declaration that wrapped up a meeting between Winston Churchill, FDR [Franklin Delano Roosevelt] and Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石) was merely a declaration of intention about the world’s affairs among the three leaders.
Although important at the time, it does not have any legally binding power almost 65 years later, allowing neither the KMT nor the PRC to derive territorial claims from it.
Coen Blaauw
Washington
The past few months have seen tremendous strides in India’s journey to develop a vibrant semiconductor and electronics ecosystem. The nation’s established prowess in information technology (IT) has earned it much-needed revenue and prestige across the globe. Now, through the convergence of engineering talent, supportive government policies, an expanding market and technologically adaptive entrepreneurship, India is striving to become part of global electronics and semiconductor supply chains. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Vision of “Make in India” and “Design in India” has been the guiding force behind the government’s incentive schemes that span skilling, design, fabrication, assembly, testing and packaging, and
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
As former president Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) wrapped up his visit to the People’s Republic of China, he received his share of attention. Certainly, the trip must be seen within the full context of Ma’s life, that is, his eight-year presidency, the Sunflower movement and his failed Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, as well as his eight years as Taipei mayor with its posturing, accusations of money laundering, and ups and downs. Through all that, basic questions stand out: “What drives Ma? What is his end game?” Having observed and commented on Ma for decades, it is all ironically reminiscent of former US president Harry