To a great extent, modern societies must operate on the assumption that people are rational and self-interested individuals. However, human beings are not only rational and self-interested. The passions that build up within us accumulate day by day like water in a dam and these passions are inevitable, necessary and dangerous elements within the political sphere. A key to the success of a democratic society is to leverage the political system to guide and shape the passions that occupy people’s hearts. The Diaoyutai Islands (釣魚台) dispute has ignited some people’s passions and we need to be clear about the nature of these passions.
In a well-organized democracy, everyone has the right to take part in political affairs so they can help determine the policies that affect their interests. We do this because we are driven by our self-interest and we worry that we may be treated unfairly in some way when other people make decisions. As time goes on, a tacit understanding forms not to harm others. In a well-functioning democracy, once this tacit understanding engendered by mutual benefits becomes habitual, with the guarantees afforded by such a system, this understanding will start to shape the temperaments and passions of every citizen. A shared sympathy will emerge between people and this sympathy will serve as the basis for national solidarity.
As long as this solidarity takes root, whenever any citizen gets hurt — regardless of whether the damage has come from domestic or external oppression — each citizen will feel as though they have been personally hurt. Citizens will then be driven to stand up for each other because they will be unable to bear seeing any member of their group being hurt. In a well-functioning democracy, a sense of solidarity and fairness go hand-in-hand.
There is an essential difference between two types of national solidarity: One is the democratic solidarity previously elaborated and the other is what we may call solidarity gained from territorial possession. There may be a deep investment in a marginalized place where nobody resides, in which people’s sense of dignity is at stake. This form of solidarity in no way allows any separation, or the involvement of other countries in that territory. Such territorially possessive solidarity is not concerned about whether people suffer injustice or pain; it is not based on sympathy. Rather, it is based on a concern over whether what they believe belongs to the nation has been taken away from them, which can damage their self-esteem.
Such possessive solidarity builds self-esteem on the possession of a certain thing. If democratic solidarity originates through instituting equal rights among citizens, territorially possessive solidarity comes from its advocates’ identification with an abstract territory. Democratic solidarity places people over territory and holds that land must follow the people; by contrast, territorial possessive solidarity places more emphasis on territory than people and maintains that people cannot split up the land.
Because the Diaoyutais do not have any inhabitants who can be hurt, the people who share democratic solidarity have no object to sympathize with and have no real passion for the issue. Therefore, the reactions surrounding the Diaoyutais dispute have been the result of territorially possessive solidarity instead of democratic solidarity. Of course, the Diaoyutais issue indeed involves conflicts concerning geopolitics and natural resources and if we look at things from these instrumental interests, we will be able to see that people living in democratic societies are prepared to handle things in a rational manner instead of being consumed by their passions.
Zachary C.M. Chen is an assistant research fellow at Academia Sinica.
Translated by Drew Cameron
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
The past few months have seen tremendous strides in India’s journey to develop a vibrant semiconductor and electronics ecosystem. The nation’s established prowess in information technology (IT) has earned it much-needed revenue and prestige across the globe. Now, through the convergence of engineering talent, supportive government policies, an expanding market and technologically adaptive entrepreneurship, India is striving to become part of global electronics and semiconductor supply chains. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Vision of “Make in India” and “Design in India” has been the guiding force behind the government’s incentive schemes that span skilling, design, fabrication, assembly, testing and packaging, and
As former president Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) wrapped up his visit to the People’s Republic of China, he received his share of attention. Certainly, the trip must be seen within the full context of Ma’s life, that is, his eight-year presidency, the Sunflower movement and his failed Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, as well as his eight years as Taipei mayor with its posturing, accusations of money laundering, and ups and downs. Through all that, basic questions stand out: “What drives Ma? What is his end game?” Having observed and commented on Ma for decades, it is all ironically reminiscent of former US president Harry