At first Samira Ibrahim was afraid to tell her father that Egyptian soldiers had detained her in Tahrir Square in Cairo, stripped off her clothes and watched as she was forcibly subjected to a “virginity test,” but when her father, a religious conservative, saw electric prod marks on her body, they revived memories of his own detention and torture under former Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak’s government.
“History is repeating itself,” he told her, and together they vowed to file a court case against the military rulers, to claim “my rights,” as Ibrahim later recalled.
That case proved successful and for the first time last month a court challenged the authority of the military council, and banned such tests.
However, nearly a year after Mubarak’s ouster, Ibrahim’s story in many ways illustrates the paradoxical position of women in the new Egypt. Emboldened by the revolution to claim a new voice in public life, many are finding that they are still dependent on the protection of men and that their greatest power is not as direct actors, but as symbols of the military government’s repression.
It is not a place Egyptian women had hoped they would be in the heady days of the revolution, when they played an active role, side by side with men, to bring down a dictator.
“Changing the patriarchal culture is not so easy,” said Mozn Hassan, 32, executive director of a six-year-old group, Nazra for Feminist Studies.
Female demonstrators have suffered sexual assaults at the hands of Egyptian soldiers protected by military courts. Human rights groups say they have documented the cases of at least 100 women who were sexually assaulted by soldiers during the time of military rule — including Ibrahim’s experience in March and the anonymous woman recorded on video last month as she was beaten and stripped, exposing a blue bra, by soldiers clearing Tahrir Square after fresh protests. The vast majority of cases have come during the three-month crackdown on demonstrations that has taken more than 80 lives so far.
Even when women have pushed back, as they did late last month in a historic march by thousands through downtown Cairo — many carrying pictures of the “blue bra girl” — they have done so only with the protection and approval of men. The marchers were encircled by men and at times their male guardians seemed to direct the crowd or lead its chants — many of the chants led by women seemed to call for more “gallantry” from Egyptian men.
As representatives of the popular opposition, many of these women risk becoming turned into mascots of the male-dominated uprising, said Hassan, one of several Egyptian feminists who said they were thrilled by the size of the march — but winced at its dependence on men.
“If you are calling for men to protect you, that is bad, because then they define you and they stick to the traditional roles,” said Hassan, who noted that even among feminist groups, there were few all-women’s organizations in Egypt and that of the 13 founders of her organization, six were men.
At the same time, the revolution has opened the door for the ascendance of conservative Islamist parties, including religious extremists who want to roll back some of the rights women do have. The mainstream Muslim Brotherhood is poised to win nearly half of the seats in parliament when voting is completed this week, while the more extreme Salafis are on track to win more than 20 percent.
While Brotherhood leaders talk of encouraging traditional roles, but respecting women’s career choices, many Salafis oppose allowing women to play leadership roles and favor regulating issues, such as women’s dress to impose Islamic standards of modesty.
“We have major concerns because what they are proposing is very oppressive,” said Ghada Shabandar, a veteran human rights activist.
Even now women have almost no leadership roles in the various activist groups that formed out of the original protests that ousted Mubarak and so far women have fewer than 10 of the roughly 500 seats in parliament. The electoral debates have featured scant mention of women’s issues — from the pervasiveness of female genital mutilation to legally sanctioned employment discrimination, despite official statistics showing that a third of Egyptian households depend on female earners.
“We have no feminist movement now,” said Hala Mustafa, editor of Democracy, a state-run journal.
Feminists say that for decades Egyptian security forces have kidnapped or sexually abused women as a way to pressure the men in their families. In a celebrated case from 2005, a journalist, Nawal Ali, sought to press charges against government-aligned thugs who had beaten and stripped her in an attack.
It is not all bleak, though. Some argue that the revolution is helping to revitalize the dormant women’s movement, if only by opening up politics so that Ibrahim could have her day in court or thousands could march for the woman stripped to her bra.
“That is the difference the Egyptian revolution has made,” Shabandar said. “The wall of fear is gone and now when we march for the ‘blue bra girl,’ we march for Nawal Ali.”
A few younger feminists, though, say that philosophy keeps women in the back seat.
“That is the same thing women were told after the revolution,” said Masa Amir, 24, recalling when the military council picked an all-male panel of jurists to draft a temporary constitution.
The result was a document implying that the president could only be a man (by stipulating that his wife could not be a foreigner) — perhaps because no one at the table raised the issue, but the stigma attached to victims of sexual abuse continues to force many to remain silent.
Six other women were subjected to “virginity tests” by the soldiers that night in March when Ibrahim was assaulted. The humiliation was so great, Ibrahim said, that she initially hoped to die.
“I kept telling myself, people get heart attacks, why don’t I get a heart attack and just die like them?” she said.
Her mother’s advice was to keep silent, if she ever hoped to marry, or even lead a dignified life in their village in rural Upper Egypt, Ibrahim said in an interview, but when Ibrahim spoke out, Egyptian new media shunned her and only the international news media would cover her story.
She received telephone calls at all hours threatening rape or death, but with the support of her father — an Islamist activist who was detained and tortured two decades ago — she persevered and this week she will go back to military court in attempt to hold the perpetrators accountable as well.
When she saw the video of the “blue bra woman” being beaten, it redoubled her resolve.
“I felt I had to avenge her,” Ibrahim said.
Additional reporting by Mayy El Sheikh
Could Asia be on the verge of a new wave of nuclear proliferation? A look back at the early history of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), which recently celebrated its 75th anniversary, illuminates some reasons for concern in the Indo-Pacific today. US Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin recently described NATO as “the most powerful and successful alliance in history,” but the organization’s early years were not without challenges. At its inception, the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty marked a sea change in American strategic thinking. The United States had been intent on withdrawing from Europe in the years following
My wife and I spent the week in the interior of Taiwan where Shuyuan spent her childhood. In that town there is a street that functions as an open farmer’s market. Walk along that street, as Shuyuan did yesterday, and it is next to impossible to come home empty-handed. Some mangoes that looked vaguely like others we had seen around here ended up on our table. Shuyuan told how she had bought them from a little old farmer woman from the countryside who said the mangoes were from a very old tree she had on her property. The big surprise
The issue of China’s overcapacity has drawn greater global attention recently, with US Secretary of the Treasury Janet Yellen urging Beijing to address its excess production in key industries during her visit to China last week. Meanwhile in Brussels, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen last week said that Europe must have a tough talk with China on its perceived overcapacity and unfair trade practices. The remarks by Yellen and Von der Leyen come as China’s economy is undergoing a painful transition. Beijing is trying to steer the world’s second-largest economy out of a COVID-19 slump, the property crisis and
As former president Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) wrapped up his visit to the People’s Republic of China, he received his share of attention. Certainly, the trip must be seen within the full context of Ma’s life, that is, his eight-year presidency, the Sunflower movement and his failed Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, as well as his eight years as Taipei mayor with its posturing, accusations of money laundering, and ups and downs. Through all that, basic questions stand out: “What drives Ma? What is his end game?” Having observed and commented on Ma for decades, it is all ironically reminiscent of former US president Harry