Nowadays there is no shortage of pundits, economic or otherwise, warning of impending disaster. If right, they are hailed as seers; if wrong, chances are that no one will remember. So here is a forecast: There will be no shortage of predictions that next year is shaping up as a disastrous year.
My view is different: Next year will not be a year of crisis, but nor will it bring an end to our current economic troubles. Rather, it will be a year of muddling through.
Many people think that next year will be the make-or-break year for Europe — either a quantum leap in European integration, with the creation of a fiscal union and the issuance of eurobonds, or the eurozone’s disintegration, igniting the mother of all financial crises.
In fact, neither scenario is plausible. The collapse of the eurozone would, of course, be an economic and financial calamity. However, that is precisely why the European Central Bank will overcome its reluctance and intervene in the Italian and Spanish bond markets, and why the Italian and Spanish governments will, in the end, use that breathing space to complete the reforms that the bank requires as a quid pro quo.
To be sure, Europe will not be spared the pain of a recession. A botched bank-recapitalization plan and the cloud of uncertainty hanging over the euro mean that recession is already baked in. Moreover, the pro-growth reforms needed in countries such as Italy will almost certainly make things worse before they make them better. For example, the initial effect of reducing hiring and firing costs will be layoffs of redundant workers. However, investors look ahead, so reforms that promise an eventual return to growth should reassure them.
While the eurozone is unlikely to collapse next yeear, there will be no definitive answer to the question of whether the euro will survive because there will be no quantum leap in European integration. Treaty revisions take time to draft — and more time to ratify. For example, efforts to strengthen Europe’s fiscal rules will take the form of bilateral agreements between governments, rather than changes in the EU’s Lisbon Treaty.
It is a sad state of affairs when a recession qualifies as muddling through. However, such is the European condition.
Consider next the US. While recent data suggest that the economy is doing better — all signs are that GDP will have expanded at a 3 percent annual rate in the fourth quarter of this year — it is important not get carried away. Fiscal support for the expansion will continue to be withdrawn. And, while the housing market shows some signs of stabilizing, prices will remain weighed down by the large shadow inventory of homes in foreclosure and held by banks.
These considerations suggest that the acceleration of US growth that began in the third quarter of this year is unlikely to be sustained. At the same time, if growth slows significantly, the US Federal Reserve will undoubtedly respond with another round of quantitative easing — QE3 by another name. Thus, while growth next year is likely to fall well short of 3 percent, the US should be able to avoid a double-dip recession.
Finally, China should grow by 7.5 percent to 8 percent next year. This is muddling through, Chinese style —considerably slower growth than the double-digit rates of the past, but not the hard landing that purveyors of doom and gloom warn is inevitable.
I am more pessimistic than institutions such as the World Bank and IMF, which anticipate Chinese growth of 8.5 percent to 9 percent next year — forecasts that do not take into account the sharp cooling of China’s housing market. Although weakening housing demand has not yet shown up in lower prices, the volume of transactions has fallen off dramatically. And where volumes lead, prices eventually follow.
Fortunately, China is still enough of a planned economy that officials can mobilize policies to cushion the impact. For example, if construction plummets the authorities can reduce reserve requirements, as they recently did, thereby encouraging banks to lend to other sectors. And, if the European and US economies avoid the worst, Chinese exports will hold up.
Thus, if all of the global economy’s largest pieces fall into place, there is no reason why next year should be a disaster. However, muddling through cannot continue forever. Europe needs to draw a line under its crisis and figure out how to grow, the US needs to overcome its political polarization and policy gridlock and China needs to rebalance its economy — shifting from construction and exports to household consumption as the main engine of growth — while it still has time.
Of course, if none of this happens — or if not enough of it does — 2013 could turn out to be the annus horribilis of the perma-bears’ dreams.
Barry Eichengreen is a professor of economics and political science at the University of California, Berkeley.
Copyright: Project Syndicate
Saudi Arabian largesse is flooding Egypt’s cultural scene, but the reception is mixed. Some welcome new “cooperation” between two regional powerhouses, while others fear a hostile takeover by Riyadh. In Cairo, historically the cultural capital of the Arab world, Egyptian Minister of Culture Nevine al-Kilany recently hosted Saudi Arabian General Entertainment Authority chairman Turki al-Sheikh. The deep-pocketed al-Sheikh has emerged as a Medici-like patron for Egypt’s cultural elite, courted by Cairo’s top talent to produce a slew of forthcoming films. A new three-way agreement between al-Sheikh, Kilany and United Media Services — a multi-media conglomerate linked to state intelligence that owns much of
The US and other countries should take concrete steps to confront the threats from Beijing to avoid war, US Representative Mario Diaz-Balart said in an interview with Voice of America on March 13. The US should use “every diplomatic economic tool at our disposal to treat China as what it is... to avoid war,” Diaz-Balart said. Giving an example of what the US could do, he said that it has to be more aggressive in its military sales to Taiwan. Actions by cross-party US lawmakers in the past few years such as meeting with Taiwanese officials in Washington and Taipei, and
Denmark’s “one China” policy more and more resembles Beijing’s “one China” principle. At least, this is how things appear. In recent interactions with the Danish state, such as applying for residency permits, a Taiwanese’s nationality would be listed as “China.” That designation occurs for a Taiwanese student coming to Denmark or a Danish citizen arriving in Denmark with, for example, their Taiwanese partner. Details of this were published on Sunday in an article in the Danish daily Berlingske written by Alexander Sjoberg and Tobias Reinwald. The pretext for this new practice is that Denmark does not recognize Taiwan as a state under
The Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan has no official diplomatic allies in the EU. With the exception of the Vatican, it has no official allies in Europe at all. This does not prevent the ROC — Taiwan — from having close relations with EU member states and other European countries. The exact nature of the relationship does bear revisiting, if only to clarify what is a very complicated and sensitive idea, the details of which leave considerable room for misunderstanding, misrepresentation and disagreement. Only this week, President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) received members of the European Parliament’s Delegation for Relations