On Nov. 18, President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) government made a sudden about-turn with regard to retired farmers’ monthly allowances by announcing that the subsidy would be raised to NT$1,000 (US$33), instead of the NT$316 originally planned. This abrupt change suggests that the government’s decisionmaking process went astray. Ma initially said that the figure of NT$316 was arrived at by establishing a system for periodic adjustments to the subsidy, but then a backlash from farmers and an overwhelming tide of pressure from the political opposition prompted him to “seek further advice” from legislators-at-large nominated by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT). The result was that, following further “research,” the same advisers who came up with the figure of NT$316 changed their minds and concluded that NT$1,000 was the right amount for the pension hike.
Let us set aside the question of how much of an increase in the farmers’ pension would be reasonable and just consider the way the head of state and his advisers make policy decisions. If a policy reversal like this was not made with a view to the Jan. 14 presidential and legislative elections, then it must have been because the departments responsible for giving policy advice failed to research the issue thoroughly. No matter what the motive, the public’s faith in the government’s competence has definitely been damaged, as has the president’s authority and legitimacy.
What most people would like to see are policies proposed after research and discussion, rather than put forward seemingly just to test the water and suddenly changed whenever the going gets tough.
On another level, the government’s apparent capriciousness is an indication that ministers in the Ma Cabinet are failing to stand up for their views in their respective areas of expertise.
Instead, they do whatever Ma says, whether to conform with his ideological view of the world or out of electoral calculation. Holding on to their Cabinet posts is the priority, it seems.
In political science, it is often said that democracy is the politics of responsibility. Government officials are supposed to take responsibility for the policies they come up with. If Cabinet ministers’ policy proposals keep getting shot down by elected representatives or the top leadership, then as responsible officials they should stick to their political ideals. In other words, they should either try to convince the public or resign as a matter of principle.
Take the case of former German president Horst Koehler: In Germany, the office of president is largely ceremonial and carries few real powers. Nevertheless, when Koehler’s statements regarding the Bundeswehr, or Federal Defense Force, drew a torrent of public criticism, he resigned on the grounds that he had weakened public faith in the office of the president. Koehler’s case is an example of how any government policy or statement can have far-reaching influence. When a government’s policies keep changing, it is confusing to the public and, in the long run, it serves only to undermine the government’s legitimacy.
In Taiwan, however, Cabinet ministers say whatever they want. They think nothing of changing policies from one day to the next, with little apparent consideration for the damage such uncertainty does to the government’s prestige. They are the ones in charge, so they don’t give a hoot about what the public thinks about them. After all, Ma is the one who has set a bad example by chopping and changing government policy.
The man at the top sets the ball rolling, so what else can we expect from his political appointees?
Lo Chih-cheng is chief executive of the Taiwan Brain Trust.
Translated by Julian Clegg
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