With a Cabinet reshuffle looming, the government should use this opportunity to gain full understanding of the structural disasters facing the nation and consider comprehensive countermeasures on government, legislative and manpower reforms.
What structural disasters is Taiwan facing?
First is the threat of financial disaster. Government statistics and warnings from academic circles and the media show that Taiwan is already bankrupt: Government debt has reached NT$14.5 trillion (US$442 billion) — NT$6 trillion higher than the total value of state-owned assets of NT$8.5 trillion. In other words, every Taiwanese is born with a debt of NT$630,000. Taiwan used to be described as being awash in money, but that has been replaced by the nightmarish image of a nation deeply mired in debt.
This is why a frustrated public is urging the government to recalculate its budget for the next fiscal year. Frankly speaking, if the government were to cancel all leisure trips disguised as inspection tours or conferences and cut unnecessary public relations expenses, celebration ceremonies and inappropriate public procurements, it could easily save between NT$500 billion and NT$600 billion. Does the government have the determination and does it dare give it a try?
Second is the threat to education. The sharp increase in the number of higher education institutions, especially private schools, has led to a decline in the quality of university education, as well as technical and vocational schools. The educational system can no longer cope with the demands of social reform and economic development. In particular, the nation’s declining birth rate and changing economic and social values have lessened the value of educational credentials. Indeed, at some private colleges and universities, more than 90 percent of departments have been unable to fill their enrolment quotas.
Can this educational structural crisis be resolved simply by playing up the evaluations of institutions of higher learning rather than taking a more active and decisive approach to monitoring the educational situation and adopting legislative solutions?
Third is the threat to democracy. Democracy in Taiwan appears to be limited to the freedom to vote, while true democratic core ideals, such as the public will, rule of law and political accountability, have never been fully realized. Only a small percentage of local representatives or leaders — elected into office with the backing of powerful local factions or their family connections — have received any fundamental legal, economic and fiscal training. However, they have control over budget and staffing and can spend the public’s money to further their own interests and secure votes.
Faced with this structural democratic crisis, shouldn’t the “multi-member district, single nontransferable vote” system still used in local elections be amended? Shouldn’t legislation prohibiting the public from directly recalling the president and makes it difficult to recall elected representatives be amended? Shouldn’t the legal system at the local government level and sunshine legislation aimed at increasing transparency, such as the Political Donation Act (政治獻金法) and the Lobbying Act (遊說法), be amended? Shouldn’t the proposed political party law that regulates the legal responsibility of political parties be passed promptly? And shouldn’t the constitutional imbalance whereby the president has power but no responsibility and the premier has responsibility but no power be immediately adjusted?
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