Last week I wrote an article calling on President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) to take a clear stand by condemning the eccentric views expressed in the articles posted on the Internet by diplomat Kuo Kuan-ying (郭冠英).
Such a condemnation would confirm the government’s determination to uphold the civilized values of equality and mutual respect between members of different ethnic communities. Since my article was written, Kuo has admitted that he was indeed “Fan Lan-chin” (范蘭欽), the author of the online posts, confirming what many people already suspected and provoking a further public outcry. It now seems that the government and opposition are largely in agreement on the need to draw up an act on ethnic equality.
Although I said that Ma should take a firm position on the Kuo case, I now call on Taiwan’s political parties not to take their righteous indignation too far by giving the state excessive legal powers to interfere in the prejudices and differences that exist in our society.
The first thing to consider is that prejudice and inequality do not exist only between different ethnic communities. There is also discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender, nationality, political affiliation and so on. If we really want to set legal limits on the expression of prejudicial and hateful views, it would be better to have an all-encompassing anti-prejudice law than one concerned with ethnic communities only.
Worrying excesses are frequently seen in the exercise of state power. This may be because Taiwan is a newly emerged democracy and bad habits from the old authoritarian system still persist, or perhaps because the idea of human rights has not fully taken hold. Even in the handling of corruption charges against former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁), many irregularities in judicial procedure have occurred, to the extent that they have aroused concern from international media and human rights groups. That being the case, it is reasonable to worry that serious infringements of freedom of speech may occur if the state authorities intervene in the expression of different opinions and prejudices that exist in society and seek to impose limits on the expression of discriminatory and hateful viewpoints.
Kuo, as a high-ranking civil servant, has already been severely punished by being dismissed for the extreme views he expressed. Although Kuo’s hateful articles were upsetting for most Taiwanese, it may be out of proportion to respond to these events by enacting an act on ethnic equality or an anti-prejudice act that seeks to impose excessive penalties. For Kuo, the place in history he has earned for himself will be a heavy enough burden to bear for the rest of his life.
A democratic system always has to find a balance between the values of political equality on the one hand and political freedom on the other. To maintain political equality, it is necessary to protect the right to take part in the political process without structural inequalities based on wealth, status or education. For political freedom to exist, on the other hand, the right of minorities to “sing out of harmony” must be guaranteed, however extreme and harsh on the ears their voices may be. There is no universally applicable rule as to how to find this balance between political equality and political freedom. It depends on the historical reality of each society and on the capacity of its political leaders for self-examination.
There are two major factors underlying the deterioration in relations between different ethnic communities in recent years. One is the pressure for Taiwan to become more economically dependent on China, weakening its geopolitical position and making people feel uneasy. People with differing political affiliations have very different ideas of what to do under such circumstances and they do not trust one another. This lack of trust gives rise to the second element, which is that supporters of the pan-green and pan-blue camps are less willing to make an effort to understand and appreciate the historical background behind their opponents’ choice of identity. The Kuo case and the furor surrounding it are a fine illustration of how these two factors affect Taiwan.
Having experienced the traumas of the first half of the 20th century, in which governments did their utmost to eliminate those who held opposing views, German-born writer Hannah Arendt wrote that the essence of the human spirit is not brotherhood, but friendship, and that friendship is not a relationship between people who are close to begin with, but rather a requirement when discussing public affairs and a necessity when forming a world view.
Those politicians who really wish to improve relations between the different ethnic communities in Taiwan need to honestly confront the two causative factors I identified above. In handling relations with China, they should seek more dialogue and better communication among Taiwanese. In regard to identity politics and questions of history, they should be more willing to re-examine and reconsider their own views.
If they just make a gesture by passing an act on ethnic equality and leave it at that, relations between communities will not be improved and may even get worse.
Tao Yi-feng is an associate professor of political science at National Taiwan University.
TRANSLATED BY JULIAN CLEGG
Could Asia be on the verge of a new wave of nuclear proliferation? A look back at the early history of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), which recently celebrated its 75th anniversary, illuminates some reasons for concern in the Indo-Pacific today. US Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin recently described NATO as “the most powerful and successful alliance in history,” but the organization’s early years were not without challenges. At its inception, the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty marked a sea change in American strategic thinking. The United States had been intent on withdrawing from Europe in the years following
My wife and I spent the week in the interior of Taiwan where Shuyuan spent her childhood. In that town there is a street that functions as an open farmer’s market. Walk along that street, as Shuyuan did yesterday, and it is next to impossible to come home empty-handed. Some mangoes that looked vaguely like others we had seen around here ended up on our table. Shuyuan told how she had bought them from a little old farmer woman from the countryside who said the mangoes were from a very old tree she had on her property. The big surprise
The issue of China’s overcapacity has drawn greater global attention recently, with US Secretary of the Treasury Janet Yellen urging Beijing to address its excess production in key industries during her visit to China last week. Meanwhile in Brussels, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen last week said that Europe must have a tough talk with China on its perceived overcapacity and unfair trade practices. The remarks by Yellen and Von der Leyen come as China’s economy is undergoing a painful transition. Beijing is trying to steer the world’s second-largest economy out of a COVID-19 slump, the property crisis and
As former president Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) wrapped up his visit to the People’s Republic of China, he received his share of attention. Certainly, the trip must be seen within the full context of Ma’s life, that is, his eight-year presidency, the Sunflower movement and his failed Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, as well as his eight years as Taipei mayor with its posturing, accusations of money laundering, and ups and downs. Through all that, basic questions stand out: “What drives Ma? What is his end game?” Having observed and commented on Ma for decades, it is all ironically reminiscent of former US president Harry