It has become popular to suggest that when the dust settles from the global financial crisis, it may become clear that the US-led postwar world has come to an end. If so, the global system that has secured peace, security, openness and economic growth over the past six decades could be in grave danger.
Inspired by US leadership since World War II’s end, Europe, then Japan, then much of Asia and the world rose to new levels of prosperity — the world economy globalized upon the foundation of international institutions, norms and standards, and foreign students educated in US universities returned home with new ideas about free markets, entrepreneurship and democracy. The US military’s protective umbrella gave large swaths of the world a vacation from war, making it easier for them to focus on economic growth and regional integration.
The US not only took the lead role in building the institutions of a globalizing world — the UN, the World Bank, the IMF and NATO — it also became the model that many other countries looked to for inspiration.
After eight years of compromised American leadership, a botched war of choice in Iraq, failure to take the lead in global efforts to address climate change, Abu Ghraib, Guantanamo Bay, running up a US$10 trillion debt and igniting a global financial crisis — the US’ once-glittering model has lost a good deal of its luster and US leadership has been questioned by many.
The point was driven home at the seventh Asia-Europe Meeting in Beijing this fall, where European and Asian leaders began exploring ideas for a new global financial structure. For much of the past 60 years, it would have been impossible to hold such a fundamental dialogue without US participation. Today, it is almost becoming a new global norm that neither the international committee nor the US is prepared for.
Despite talk about the US’ decline, the world is not prepared for a post-American era. As irksome as some of the US’ actions have been, particularly over the past eight years, it remains the world’s most critical champion of the progressive values that have lifted hundreds of millions of people out of abject poverty and political repression. If the US were to play a relatively smaller role in world affairs, and no other system was created to pick up the slack, these values could be at risk.
Although many states now hide behind an alleged universal principle of inviolable state sovereignty, for example, would the international community really want to go back to the old model where states did whatever they wanted to their citizens within the confines of their own borders? Do countries around the world believe that they would be better off if the global trade system breaks down or international shipping lanes become less secure?
Are countries like China willing to step up and pay their fair share of money to keep the UN running (China currently pays 2.1 percent of UN costs, compared with more than 25 percent for the US), or to capitalize revised international financial institutions or the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria in a meaningful way? Unless other countries become more willing to step forward for the common good, a post-US world could quickly become a far more frightening environment than what it would replace.
To make its case for a continued global leadership role, the US must, however, step up to the plate. While the go-it-alone impulse of the Bush administration has been discredited by its consequences, the inverse lessons regarding how important collaborative action is in today’s interconnected world are still being learned.
Even at the apex of American power, the US’ greatness was always based on inspiring others and the opportunities for building market share in that particular category remain unlimited. It is impossible to overestimate how significant a step Barack Obama’s election is in this direction, but the US’ actions over the coming years will be the ultimate determinant of whether the power of the American model can be restored.
The US can and should, for example, become the global leader combating climate change through major investments in alternative energy, conservation and energy efficiency, and by taking strong actions at home to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. It should transform its immigration policy to recruit the best and brightest people from around the world to move to the US and become citizens, and remain the world’s leading champion of open markets, especially during the current financial crisis.
Closing the prison at Guantanamo and reaffirming a commitment to international law and human rights would also be an important step in this direction. The world wants to believe in a US that lives up to its own best values.
The prospect of a truly global community of nations working together to achieve the greater good for all is indeed exciting. But, although the US has been far from perfect over the last six decades, the end of the pax Americana has the potential to create a dangerous void in international affairs.
If the world is going to shift in the direction of a new and more globally democratic system, other nations will need to meaningfully step forward to assume new responsibilities. It is in the US’ and the world’s interest that they do so. The evidence of this will be seen not only in global institutions, but also in places such as Darfur, Zimbabwe and Myanmar. Until this happens, let us all hope that the US can get back on track as the global champion of collaborative action to address the world’s greatest challenges and work with as many other countries as possible to move collectively in the right direction.
Jamie Metzl is executive vice president of the Asia Society and a former member of the US National Security Council staff during the Clinton administration.
COPYRIGHT: PROJECT SYNDICATE
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
The past few months have seen tremendous strides in India’s journey to develop a vibrant semiconductor and electronics ecosystem. The nation’s established prowess in information technology (IT) has earned it much-needed revenue and prestige across the globe. Now, through the convergence of engineering talent, supportive government policies, an expanding market and technologically adaptive entrepreneurship, India is striving to become part of global electronics and semiconductor supply chains. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Vision of “Make in India” and “Design in India” has been the guiding force behind the government’s incentive schemes that span skilling, design, fabrication, assembly, testing and packaging, and
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.