Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) presidential candidate Ma Ying-jeou (
Because the KMT suppressed Taiwan's democratic development during its decades of rule, localization is a particularly difficult topic for the party. It certainly takes courage for Ma to address the issue publicly.
Ma's remarks showed that he has a good understanding of Chiang. He outlined Chiang's international perspective, his promotion of environmental protection and women's rights and contributions to democracy. He also discussed what he himself has done to show his respect for Chiang. Ma's speech resembled a detached academic analysis as he worked to link himself to Chiang in the same way that he has tried to link himself to Taiwan.
Hsieh did not talk so much about Chiang, but was emotional about the injustices done to him. He questioned why the KMT had not put Chiang in history textbooks when it was in power. Weren't Chiang's family, his son-in-law and many members of the Taiwan People's Party arrested and executed, or sent into exile?
While both Hsieh and Ma refused to use ethnicity or geographical origin in defining "localized," their differences were most evident when it came to the terms "foreign regime" versus "local."
Ma chose to distinguish the two using legitimacy, saying that the term "foreign regime" is "terminology from the last century." The key question, he said, was not whether a government is foreign or not, but whether it has legitimacy. Ma said that if a government is a colonialist power, is not elected or is corrupt, it lacks legitimacy. While this stance did not deny one of the weak points of the old KMT government -- its lack of democracy -- it did attack President Chen Shui-bian's (
Hsieh said that only those who rule a country without legitimacy would appeal to ethnic ties. He said many issues have nothing to do with place of origin or being foreign but have do with the relationship between the government and its citizens. Hsieh's support for Taiwan and forming a common Taiwanese body not only ring true in terms of democracy, but also delve into issues of individual and group feelings. Hsieh seems to understand localization on a much broader level than Ma.
Ma worked hard on his address, but Hsieh's speech was better. Although Ma's explanations were coherent, he and the KMT have always advocated eventual unification with China, and lack a true feeling of Taiwanese identity. They lack the strength to truly inspire voters and convince them that the party is working to make Taiwanese masters of their own country. This is the greatest threat to Ma in his bid for the presidency.
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
The past few months have seen tremendous strides in India’s journey to develop a vibrant semiconductor and electronics ecosystem. The nation’s established prowess in information technology (IT) has earned it much-needed revenue and prestige across the globe. Now, through the convergence of engineering talent, supportive government policies, an expanding market and technologically adaptive entrepreneurship, India is striving to become part of global electronics and semiconductor supply chains. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Vision of “Make in India” and “Design in India” has been the guiding force behind the government’s incentive schemes that span skilling, design, fabrication, assembly, testing and packaging, and
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
As former president Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) wrapped up his visit to the People’s Republic of China, he received his share of attention. Certainly, the trip must be seen within the full context of Ma’s life, that is, his eight-year presidency, the Sunflower movement and his failed Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, as well as his eight years as Taipei mayor with its posturing, accusations of money laundering, and ups and downs. Through all that, basic questions stand out: “What drives Ma? What is his end game?” Having observed and commented on Ma for decades, it is all ironically reminiscent of former US president Harry