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Holy See offers new paradigm for Taiwan

Ever since Benedict XVI became pope, there have been murmurs about the future of the Vatican's relationship with Taiwan and China. This diplomatic battle differs from the usual competition between China and Taiwan -- Nicaragua, Panama and Belize are a few examples -- in that it depends on whether Beijing will allow the Holy See to appoint bishops in China, something Beijing sees as an internal political issue.

A little over two years ago, President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) became the first Taiwanese head of state to visit Europe while in office. It is still too early to tell if he will be the last.

With the Republic of Macedonia breaking off relations with Taiwan in June 2001, the Holy See -- covering a tiny 44 hectares of territory -- is the last remaining European country to recognize Taiwan. The Holy See's recognition is also of great importance to China, as the Vatican is the only fish in Europe that has not yet been caught in Beijing's net. As a result, the maintenance of relations between Taipei and the Holy See has become the focus of great attention since pope John Paul II passed away.

Ever since the Chinese Civil War, the strong Western bent of Catholicism has drawn hostility from Beijing, which sees Western culture as a threat to its hold on power. To this end, it launched the Three-Self Patriotic Movement, calling for self-governance, self-support and self-propagation for Chinese religious followers. Religious leaders friendly to the Vatican were arrested and churches with leaders appointed by Beijing were established. As a result, under threat of persecution, Catholics loyal to the Holy See organized underground churches.

The result of all this is that the Holy See still does not recognize Beijing.

Following reforms and the opening up of China, the Chinese Patriotic Catholic Association (中國天主教愛國會) -- the state-sanctioned Church -- in 1980 held a national conference hoping to win back the trust of religious followers. Nevertheless, the authorities still monitored and suppressed underground congregations. Statistics show that police had arrested seven underground bishops by 2000. Beijing's two-pronged strategy of inviting underground members to join the flock, while continuing to attack it, has caused the official church's membership to swell to 4 million adherents.

The underground Church, however, still claims more than 10 million members.

Despite negotiations between the two parties on several occasions, the disagreement over the right to appoint Church leaders was never resolved.

As early as the 1990s, Beijing was adamant it would retain final authority over the appointment of bishops, who would be drawn from a short list submitted by the Vatican. But since both parties remained intransigent on this matter, no consensus was ever reached.

The Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs continues to insist that the right to make religious appointments is an internal political matter and that China will not tolerate interference from foreign powers. Beijing's handling of human-rights issues, such as the "one child policy," has also affected the progress in establishing relations.

Taiwan now stands on the sidelines of the debate on the Vatican's ties with China. If Taiwan loses the Vatican, there can be only one winner in the cross-strait diplomatic tug-of-war.

But misfortune often carries the seed of fortune. The Vatican is the only diplomatic ally with which Taiwan need not engage in checkbook diplomacy.

Therein lies the chance for Taipei to create a new paradigm for cross-strait competition.

Ruey-Jay Fong is a doctoral candidate in political science at the University of North Texas.

TRANSLATED BY JASON COX
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