Ma spurns the facts in lecturing on our history

Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) presidential candidate Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) has published a book entitled Taiwan Spirit (原鄉精神) in which he discusses Taiwanese history. He has also announced that former premier Vincent Siew (蕭萬長) will be his partner for the 2008 poll.

It's rather like traveling back in time. Siew's nomination is nostalgic enough, but Ma's take on local history remains almost unchanged from what was found in history textbooks under KMT rule.

It's as if Ma himself is frozen.

Ma's thinking, like that of traditional Chinese politicians, lends great weight to history: Every discourse must have a historical basis. The manner in which Taiwanese history has developed, however, has been rather unfavorable to the KMT, hence his efforts to construct a more flattering perspective on the period after he became party chairman.

In addition to attacking the Democratic Progressive Party's (DPP) localization ideology, his presentation of history brings us back to the "good old days."

Ma's take on history focuses mostly on politics, but entirely overlooks the Japanese colonial era. His view of history is a residue of KMT indoctrination, but with one new element: the supposed "sadness" felt by Mainlanders -- he claims to be a sixth-generation immigrant -- that can been seen in four "role models" mentioned in his book: Taiwan's first provincial governor, Liu Ming-chuan (劉銘傳), anti-Japanese hero Li Yu-pang (李友邦), Chinese philosopher Hu Shih (胡適) and former president Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國).

Not once does he mention that much of Taiwan's modernization took place during Japanese colonial rule. Instead, he credits two Chinese -- Liu, for launching the nation on the road to modernity, and Chiang, who supposedly continued the work.

Taiwan's democracy and freedom, for their part, are of Hu's making -- also a Chinese. Lee is the only Taiwanese, and he was only chosen because he resisted Japanese rule.

Ma criticizes the DPP for its "narrow" localization ideology, using terms such as "new immigrant" and "globalization" to show how tolerant he is.

But we see no tolerance for those who opposed the Qing dynasty or the KMT. When he talks about resistance, only the 1915 Tapani Incident -- an uprising against the Japanese -- is mentioned, but not Chu Yi-kuei (朱一貴), who led a rebellion against the Qing administration in 1721, or Lin Shuang-wen (林爽文), who did the same in 1784.

On national development, only Liu and Chiang rate a mention, not pioneering Japanese engineer Yoichi Hatta, who built the Wushantou Reservoir. And when Ma talks about liberalism, he only mentions Hu, while conveniently omitting the Japan-influenced liberal organizations in Taiwan during the period of Japan's "Taisho democracy" from 1912 to 1926.

So Ma's view of history is at least as narrow as that of the DPP.

Ma's biggest problem is his ignorance of public sentiment. As traditional Chinese politics have no democratic tradition, power is the property of intellectuals, hence their affinity for history. History of this kind stresses power and orthodoxy, leaving people in the shadows who only care about their welfare regardless of who is in power.

The KMT rejected a suggestion by C.V. Chen (陳長文) that the party give up its stolen assets.

Such unfair practices and blatant injustice carried over historical periods are the very issues that Ma should face head on if he has hopes of winning next year's election.

Wang Yu-fong is the director of Pingtung Community College.

Translated by Eddy Chang