With the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, French-US relations reached a low point. The administration of US President George W. Bush felt betrayed by French diplomatic tactics at the UN, while French President Jacques Chirac felt confirmed in his mistrust of the sole superpower and his call for a multipolar world. Today, on the eve of the French presidential elections, opinion polls show that three-quarters of French voters believe that France should distance itself from the US.
Despite a long history of alliance dating back to the American Revolution and including two world wars, France has always had a somewhat ambivalent attitude toward the US, and the Iraq War was not the first time that a controversial security policy undercut the US' attractiveness in France. Polls show similar reactions after the Suez Crisis of 1956, the Vietnam War in the late 1960s and early 1970s, and the deployment of intermediate range missiles in Europe in the early 1980s.
In addition, France has long had a strand of anti-US sentiment. Some conservatives disliked the crude egalitarianism of US culture, while some on the left have seen US faith in markets as a symbol of capitalist exploitation of the working class. After World War II, France banned Coca-Cola for a time, and, more recently, the farmer Jos Bov became a folk hero by destroying a McDonald's restaurant. But the French still flock to McDonald's and to theaters playing US movies, despite limits on their import.
While such ambivalence will not change, French-US relations are likely to improve no matter which of the three leading candidates prevails in the final round of voting on May 6, in part owing to Chirac's exit. In fact, French-US relations have already begun to improve, as both sides realized that their pubic dispute was damaging their interests. The exit of some of the most strident neo-conservatives in the Bush administration over the past year has also helped, and with growing opposition to the Iraq War, some US citizens are beginning to think that the French may have had a point after all.
Of the three major candidates, conservative Interior Minister Nicolas Sarkozy has expressed the most pro-US views and traveled to Washington for a photo opportunity with Bush. He told a Washington audience that anti-Americanism was an elite indulgence not shared by the French at large.
"The truth is that the French listen to Madonna, just as they used to love listening to Elvis and Sinatra," Sarkozy said. "And all French parents dream of sending their child to an American university."
Sarkozy said: "The virulence of the press and a portion of French elites against the United States reflects a certain envy of your brilliant success."
In response, an adviser to the socialist candidate Segolene Royal labeled Sarkozy "an American neo-conservative with a French passport."
But while Royal has been careful to placate her socialist base, she has also talked about the need for market reforms in the French economy, and taken some foreign policy positions on Iran and Turkey that are closer to the US view than are Sarkozy's.
The centrist candidate, former education minister Francois Bayrou, has relatives in the US and has called for a "third way" in French politics analogous to the paths forged by former US president Bill Clinton and British Prime Minister Tony Blair.
The candidates differ in other ways as well. Both Sarkozy and Royal have appealed to nationalism. Sarkozy has boasted that he expelled tens of thousands of illegal immigrants when he was interior minister, and in 2005 he referred to Muslim rioters in the suburbs as "scum."
Aware of the ultra-nationalist threat from rival Jean-Marie Le Pen, who took second place in the 2002 presidential election, Sarkozy has said that he wants "to talk to those who have moved to/ward the far right because they are suffering."
While Royal has been critical of Sarkozy, she, too, has appealed to nationalism, calling for a "reconquest of the symbols of the nation" from the right.
Only Bayrou has denounced the "nationalistic obsession" that has marked the campaign.
But one should not read too much into these differences. All three candidates support Chirac's opposition to the Iraq War, will protect French agriculture in global trade negotiations, and will promote French leadership in Europe. Despite French voters' rejection of a new constitution for the EU in 2005 -- in part a protest vote against Chirac -- all three candidates recognize that the EU has been an important means to enhance French power in world affairs. None is likely to become a US poodle.
Indeed, that is not the way French politics works. French leaders often like to be seen resisting US pressure before striking a compromise and cooperating in a manner that serves both French and US interests. Friction with the US is thus inevitable, but in the long run there is usually fruitful cooperation.
Despite the tension of the past few years, Europe and the US have cooperated in Kosovo, Afghanistan, Lebanon, and Iran, and on countering al-Qaeda.
Whatever the outcome of the French election, French-US relations are likely to remain on a steady course, and may well improve further after the US presidential election next year.
Joseph Nye is a professor at Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government.
Copyright: Project Syndicate
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
The past few months have seen tremendous strides in India’s journey to develop a vibrant semiconductor and electronics ecosystem. The nation’s established prowess in information technology (IT) has earned it much-needed revenue and prestige across the globe. Now, through the convergence of engineering talent, supportive government policies, an expanding market and technologically adaptive entrepreneurship, India is striving to become part of global electronics and semiconductor supply chains. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Vision of “Make in India” and “Design in India” has been the guiding force behind the government’s incentive schemes that span skilling, design, fabrication, assembly, testing and packaging, and
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.