Since Taipei Mayor Hau Lung-bin (
This reveals a misunderstanding of democracy and the rule of law.
To win elections, some politicians would rather sacrifice education and the rule of law for populist agendas offering short-term solutions.
But education cannot be sacrificed; it is the very foundation of a vibrant democracy.
As a visiting professor at a German university, I have witnessed first hand how democracy works in Germany. Democracy is a guiding principle throughout their system.
Taiwan is missing an important ingredient in its democracy -- our politicians are not interested in trying to get to the root of a problem.
Voters love Hau's proposed policy because teachers, parents and students would all benefit in the short term.
Teachers would need less time to prepare lessons, parents would spend less on textbooks, and students would spend less time studying.
In addition, the government would decide the content of the textbooks.
Would this kind of education benefit the nation in the long run?
The fundamental problem plaguing the nation's education lies in the fixation on gaining entry to a top school.
Hau's proposal does not address the problems with our education system. In fact, it is a violation of the Constitution.
Such methods were repeatedly questioned and criticized during the 10-year education reform program.
Before the reform, all textbooks were published by the National Institute for Compilation and Translation (
The problem of textbook content remains, however, and putting an end to interference from political ideologies is a key issue.
If we were to return to the past policy of a single textbook per syllabus, the potential for a political party to influence education would only increase.
Such a problem is not surprising in an authoritarian state. But Taiwan is democratic and has undergone a decade-long educational reform process.
That we are still dealing with problems like political interference in education is simply unacceptable.
Despite the country's democratization, the public and politicians seem to have a hard time shedding the mindset of Taiwan's authoritarian history.
Politicians all believe that their perspective is the correct one, and they are eager to impose their view on the education system.
If we allow them to do so, we are allowing a power that has no place in a democracy.
Hau's proposal would revert to a policy we already fought to shed during the education reform.
Astonishingly, the Taipei City Government seems blissfully unaware that if Hau's proposal were implemented, it would violate the freedom of publication protected by the Constitution.
Since the city authorities are ignoring that fact, our last hope in this matter is the Ministry of Education.
Article 162 of the Constitution states that all public and private educational and cultural institutions in the country shall be subject to state supervision.
The Ministry of Education is bound by the Constitution to supervise the Taipei City Government's Department of Education.
Hsu Yue-dian is a professor in the Department of Law at National Cheng Kung University.
Translated by Eddy Chang
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.
As Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu’s party won by a landslide in Sunday’s parliamentary election, it is a good time to take another look at recent developments in the Maldivian foreign policy. While Muizzu has been promoting his “Maldives First” policy, the agenda seems to have lost sight of a number of factors. Contemporary Maldivian policy serves as a stark illustration of how a blend of missteps in public posturing, populist agendas and inattentive leadership can lead to diplomatic setbacks and damage a country’s long-term foreign policy priorities. Over the past few months, Maldivian foreign policy has entangled itself in playing