So what does "center-left" really mean anyway? Since the Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU) decided to transform itself into a center-left political party, many have been scratching their heads and raising questions about the move. Regrettably, Taiwan has long lacked the traditional left-right political dimension because politicians and media commentators are only interested in debating independence versus unification. They have a narrow international outlook and weak social awareness, which has locked them into a single-track manner of thinking.
Over the past few days, the media have been questioning whether the TSU has shifted its position on the cross-strait issue, and trying to define left or right based the party's independence-unification stance. This not only shows that their knowledge remains on the level of pre-modern political thinking, but that they ignore the public's hardships.
The terms "left" and "right" first appeared during the French Revolution. The debate in the French Legislative Assembly over whether to keep the monarchy and grant the king veto rights created two rival groups. Royalist clerics and conservative aristocrats and capitalists sat on the right of the legislative speaker while progressive young aristocrats, independent professionals and radical members of the bourgeoisie supporting a clean break with the old regime sat on the left.
In contrast to the conservative right-wingers who only wanted to protect their vested interests, the left-wingers demanded a plan to redistribute benefits that met the requirements of people at the lowest rungs of society and eradicate institutionalized oppression and exploitation. The opposition between these two groups set the stage for modern politics.
In Taiwan, the lifting of martial law in 1987, the termination of the Temporary Provisions Effective During the Period of Communist Rebellion, the complete re-election of the legislature and the first direct presidential election in 1996 heralded the end of an obsolete political system, and the ceding of power to and vesting sovereignty in the citizenry. Under the leadership of former president Lee Teng-hui (
The peaceful revolution, however, still has to be completed. Although the nation's citizens now enjoy political power, the fruits of economic growth have not been evenly distributed. Since the Democratic Progressive Party came to power in 2000, the gap between rich and poor has continued to widen. More people are suffering from unemployment, poverty and debt. Many workers still feel oppressed and exploited by the system. Taiwan's democratization has not brought more prosperity to the general public.
In his 2005 book A New Age of Taiwanese, Lee said that "the historical meaning of political reform is establishing a democratic society that respects individual liberty and self-determination, not just laying down the first steps for the shell of a democratic system. Now that Taiwan has clearly established economic freedom and political democracy, it needs to move on to the work of rebuilding society from the bottom up by realizing the true meaning of `vesting sovereignty in the people.'"
But having accomplished democratic reforms to vest sovereignty in the people, many people remain in dire financial straits, unable to share in the fruits brought by the first stage of reform.
This has created a phenomenon in which people's social status does not match their positions as equal citizens under a democratic government.
Because of this, the center-left road that the TSU has taken must be understood in the context of world history. The development of political democracy, social equality and justice are dialectically related.
If the competition of free market capitalism lacks social equality and justice, it can lead to a vicious social Darwinism. This would have a negative impact on Taiwanese people's political and social lives.
If capital becomes so concentrated that the poor aren't able to improve their lot, this could damage the ability of individuals in a democracy to participate in politics on an equal basis, and thereby the chances for achieving overall freedom.
So what is the reason for the polarization between rich and poor and the growing struggles for the middle class that we see in Taiwan today?
A comparison to Japanese academic Ohmae Kenichi's "M-shaped society" theory, which supposes that Taiwanese are drawn toward polarization, like the two peaks on an M-shaped graph, is quite applicable.
Taiwanese politics would also look like an "M" if plotted on a graph. There are two major parties based on the advocation of two extreme ideologies that take up all resources. However, they ignore the plight of the people, being too busy fighting for their own interests to look out for the broader welfare of the citizenry. The blue-green struggle over the moot point of "unification versus independence" obscures the real problems concerning people's daily lives.
Taiwan is a sovereign and independent nation. There is nothing to argue about. It's time to move on and leave this false debate behind.
Our historic mission at present should be to speak up for all the working people who have been oppressed at the bottom of the "M" curve and fight for their interests. We should strive to complete the unfinished work of Lee's peaceful revolution by realizing economic democracy.
As for the center-left road, if there are people who still insist on entangling us in a false debate over unification versus independence, they are only working to harm Taiwan by prolonging partisan squabbles and eroding social equality and justice. This is something we should all stand up and oppose.
Lai Shin-yuan is a Taiwan Solidarity Union legislator.
Translated by Daniel cheng and Marc Langer
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