Intellectuals and academics play different roles in society.
An intellectual is a person who shows concern for people's lives and society and also has the ability to communicate and air his or her opinions using abstract language. Normally, only a graduate degree is necessary to take on the role of an intellectual.
An academic is a person who builds his or her career on academic research and must have a master's or doctoral degree in order to teach in universities or conduct research in research institutions. Many academics, however, hide in their ivory towers and do not care about worldly affairs, in which case they cannot be considered intellectuals. Once they leave their fields of expertise, they are no longer experts, and only ordinary people.
The campaign to oust President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) led by former Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) chairman Shih Ming-teh (施明德) has had an impact on social order over the past month or two. Shih's aides have included lawyers, doctors, elected representatives and advertising executives.
Disregarding the politicians, this group of people can be regarded as intellectuals. They attempt to boost the campaign's legitimacy by claiming that it transcends the pan-blue versus pan-green divide and only aims to clarify right from wrong. They even say that the campaign is a "new civil movement."
But Shih only chose to launch his campaign after the Chinese Nationalist Party's (KMT) long-standing attempts to get Chen to step down had failed, and he pledged that "he would either oust Chen or die trying."
It is difficult to differentiate Shih's stance from that of Sisy Chen (陳文茜), Jaw Shaw-kong (趙少康), Lee Tao (李濤), and other biased, pro-China, television talk show hosts.
As a result, this seemingly never ending campaign has finally led to a reaction in the southern cities of Tainan, Pingtung and Kaohsiung. Chang Mao-kuei (
Shih is a politician. Looking at his background, it is not very likely that at the outset he positioned the campaign as a "new civic movement." It is more likely that this idea was proposed by the intellectuals -- or troublemakers -- that surround him.
It is difficult to say whether these intellectuals simply play a supporting role to help Shih or if they have real influence in shaping the campaign, but seeing how Shih and his team continue to revise the campaign's goals -- including non-participation in negotiations or the electoral process, and the promise to discontinue activities if the second presidential recall bid was successful -- I would rather believe that there still are voices within the campaign truly pushing for a new civic movement.
But is opposition to Chen the same as opposing corruption? If the protesters focus too intently on the issue of ousting Chen, won't that distance them further from their anti-corruption goal? Has any of Shih's top aides taken a good hard look at the different versions of the legislature's "sunshine bill?"
The ideal intellectual should possess the ability to clarify problems and face facts. It would be even more valuable if intellectuals could take a broadminded approach and create a win-win situation.
This, of course, depends on whether politicians truly respect intellectuals or simply want to exploit them.
Chen Yi-shen is an associate researcher in the Institute of Modern History at Academia Sinica.
Translated by Lin Ya-ti
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.
As Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu’s party won by a landslide in Sunday’s parliamentary election, it is a good time to take another look at recent developments in the Maldivian foreign policy. While Muizzu has been promoting his “Maldives First” policy, the agenda seems to have lost sight of a number of factors. Contemporary Maldivian policy serves as a stark illustration of how a blend of missteps in public posturing, populist agendas and inattentive leadership can lead to diplomatic setbacks and damage a country’s long-term foreign policy priorities. Over the past few months, Maldivian foreign policy has entangled itself in playing