As the countdown begins for the month-long, round-the-clock sit-in rally led by former Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) chairman Shih Ming-teh (
The worst moment of the crisis for Chen ended when the opposition failed to recall him. No one was surprised by the failure of that attempt, since the pan-blue camp did not have enough legislative votes for the measure to succeed. The moment that Chen retained the support of the DPP, he was home free. Without that support, he would have faced a serious threat from the recall.
All of the criticism, protests and rallies from people like Shih may be embarrassing and even irritating for Chen, but they are toothless. If he can endure the discomfort of having a bunch of people shouting slogans outside the Presidential Office, he will not be in any political danger.
It is the DPP that has more to lose. Ever since Chen declared that he would hand over a degree of responsibility to the premier, the party has acted like a child in serious need of guidance. There seems to be no leadership -- individually or collectively -- in the party. At a time like this, the last thing that the party needs is an extension of the crisis to show how helpless it has become.
The DPP is so preoccupied with internal debates that no one has the time or the energy to develop a response to Shih's campaign.
There are several key elections approaching, including the Taipei mayoral election. The DPP candidate for Taipei mayor, Frank Hsieh (
Then there is the presidential election. For a political party desperate to redeem itself with the public and regain the support of voters, there appears to be a lot of strategic inaction going around. Beyond the question of who the DPP will nominate for the presidential race, a very troubling question is firming: What preparations are the DPP making to convince voters to give it another chance as the ruling party?
These days it seems that DPP members are spending most of their time either attacking Shih or attacking fellow DPP members who have attacked Shih.
With all of the paralysis on show, one could be forgiven for thinking that some genius within the pan-blue camp had concocted a plan -- including Shih's campaign -- to hasten the downfall of the DPP government.
Still, the light at the end of the tunnel for the DPP is the fact that the campaign has taken its toll on the pan-blue camp as well, with internal rivalries being given a chance to intensify.
The unerring ability of political mischief-makers to advance their agendas at the expense of the broader population -- and the major political parties -- could not be better illustrated by these risible events.
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.
As Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu’s party won by a landslide in Sunday’s parliamentary election, it is a good time to take another look at recent developments in the Maldivian foreign policy. While Muizzu has been promoting his “Maldives First” policy, the agenda seems to have lost sight of a number of factors. Contemporary Maldivian policy serves as a stark illustration of how a blend of missteps in public posturing, populist agendas and inattentive leadership can lead to diplomatic setbacks and damage a country’s long-term foreign policy priorities. Over the past few months, Maldivian foreign policy has entangled itself in playing