With an unprecedented crisis facing the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), whispers of the emergence of a new political party powerful enough to counterbalance the DPP and the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) are growing louder. However, the formation of a third political "force" in Taiwanese politics would be a complex affair.
Spin-offs from the pan-green and pan-blue camps have received the most news coverage among the potential forces to be reckoned with. The many new "coalitions" and "alliances" are prime examples, and have generated considerable buzz. Such groups boast famous politicians and loads of financial and political resources, and could very well grow to occupy a big chunk of political turf.
These groups have a fatal flaw, though: They were created for reasons of political expediency, and do not hold a shared, sound and competitive ideology at their cores. They are made up of members whose cooperation with one another is more akin to collusion than collaboration. As such, they are devoid of vision and cannot be catalysts for change.
Other political movements, however, shine a bright light on issues of change and progress. Unfortunately, this is more often than not a disarming tactic that we need to be on guard against.
The histories of capitalist societies are rife with accounts of rotten governments and soaring public discontent, with government insiders emerging from the woodwork with promises of introducing cleaner government and applying leftist visions.
Such players slap together eleventh-hour political parties with a strong grassroots flavor, but their agenda is anything but populist and reformist. Their leftist appearance is merely a ruse to seduce the people back to the right, thereby heading off further radicalization and a push for revolution. This "alternative" political force is actually a safety valve for the "good old boys" in power, and is the most disingenuous of the new political forces.
The alleged corruption of President Chen Shui-bian's (
Swing voters and other informed sections of the voting public are on the lookout for a party that will lay greater emphasis on social fairness and public interest -- a political force that will not become sidetracked by big business agendas. They are waiting for better, cleaner politicians and advocates to step forward and show them the way. However, such anticipation gives conservatives plenty of opportunities to masquerade as progressives to boost their political careers.
The development of an alternative political force is a work in progress. Of course, the Taiwan Labor Party (TLP) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP) are failed experiments in the mission to midwife an alternative party. The Alliance of Fairness and Justice also appears to have petered out.
These entities were all once generally well received, but their failure has prompted many political observers to rush to the conclusion that there is no room for a third major party.
In reality, what makes a party grow into a force to be reckoned with are three key ingredients: organization, a platform and an interface with the public that can result in the spawning of a social movement.
A third party must have a clear and plausible plan for reforming the government -- not vague slogans -- if it is to compete with the pan-green and pan-blue camps.
From the TLP to the Alliance of Fairness and Justice, the new kids on the block have always sought to walk a middle road between the working class and big business. This is in fact no different than what the DPP has done, and it would be difficult not to follow the DPP further down that road to the point of corruption.
As for interfacing with society and sparking a movement, alternative parties have failed in that respect as well; they were comprised of famous politicians and other prestigious elements, who, despite their fame and qualifications, failed to establish a connection with the public and galvanize them. Movement, for them, meant calling press conferences or trying to mobilize the elite.
Such budding alternative parties devolved into personality cults -- it is quite unlikely that they could be relied on to further democracy in Taiwan. The TLP's and SDP's constant changes are a case in point.
Does Taiwan need options beyond what the pan-greens and pan-blues can offer it?
Absolutely. However, such a new force must come from persons outside the present political sphere, and they must bring to the table fresh ideas for there to be any hope of success.
Yang Wei-chung belongs to the Workers' Democracy Association.
Translated by Max Hirsch
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