The controversy over the government's sale of state-owned land has begun to fade. This does not mean, however, that the government will not hold a clearance sale again. In fact, the pace at which it has been selling national land has not let up. In the near future, we should expect to see a string of large national assets sold -- including the land on which the Bank of Taiwan's dormitory on Yangde Boulevard (
According to statistics from the Public Assets Saving Front (國家資產搶救連線), former premier Yu Shyi-kun's Cabinet sold 1,242 hectares of land in the space of three years; former premier Frank Hsieh's (謝長廷) Cabinet sold 310 hectares of land in a year; and Premier Su Tseng-chang's (蘇貞昌) Cabinet sold the Combined Logistics Command's (聯合後勤司令部) land on Xinyi Road (信義路) in downtown Taipei -- although the decision to sell that property was made by Hsieh.
The problem is that property of the state belongs to the general public, and the government is entrusted by the people to manage it. To fail to manage these assets responsibly is to betray the people's trust. In response to this issue, Su stated on March 8 that the "public interest" was the fundamental principle governing the government's sale of national land. Public interest, he added, requires that the government manage state-owned property in such a way as to maximize the benefit to the public, and that this should not include selling land to conglomerates for building expensive mansions, broadening the wealth gap in the process.
A positive interpretation of Su's message is that the government will no longer seek to sell national land merely to improve its own fiscal health; it will instead ensure that the public gets the most bang for its buck. Assuming this is an accurate interpretation, I would like to recommend to Su that the Cabinet do the following:
First, order the Ministry of Finance to immediately cease selling national land, and clarify which parcels of land are used for private purposes.
Second, order the Council of Economic Planning and Development, the finance ministry, and the Ministry of the Interior to put their heads together and propose a plan for managing national land in a manner that best serves the public's interests.
Third, redefine the functions of the National Assets Operation and Management Committee (
Fourth, drastically lower the government's revenues related to the sale of national land in the annual budget.
Fifth, set aside large parcels of land for preservation or other purposes. For example, designate land to be used for public facilities, protected areas, historical spots and sensitive areas, so as to secure both the development and easement rights for such land.
Sixth, when national land must be sold as a result of government policy, priority should be given to awarding superficies registration -- or the right to construct and keep a building on third-party land -- as well as trust development and joint development.
Seven, accelerate the reclaiming of unused or hardly used property from state-owned businesses.
Eight, review whether the sale of national land by the National Property Bureau (
Yang Chung-hsin is a professor in the Graduate Institute of Landscape Architecture at Chinese Culture University.
Translated by Eddy Chang
The past few months have seen tremendous strides in India’s journey to develop a vibrant semiconductor and electronics ecosystem. The nation’s established prowess in information technology (IT) has earned it much-needed revenue and prestige across the globe. Now, through the convergence of engineering talent, supportive government policies, an expanding market and technologically adaptive entrepreneurship, India is striving to become part of global electronics and semiconductor supply chains. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Vision of “Make in India” and “Design in India” has been the guiding force behind the government’s incentive schemes that span skilling, design, fabrication, assembly, testing and packaging, and
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
As former president Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) wrapped up his visit to the People’s Republic of China, he received his share of attention. Certainly, the trip must be seen within the full context of Ma’s life, that is, his eight-year presidency, the Sunflower movement and his failed Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, as well as his eight years as Taipei mayor with its posturing, accusations of money laundering, and ups and downs. Through all that, basic questions stand out: “What drives Ma? What is his end game?” Having observed and commented on Ma for decades, it is all ironically reminiscent of former US president Harry