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Measures needed to counter corruption

Recent scandals surrounding President Chen Shui-bian's (陳水扁) son-in-law Chao Chien-ming (趙建銘) provide a valuable lessen for Taiwan as it strives for democratic consolidation -- that it needs to consider how to avoid the political decay that many emerging democracies experienced in the 1980s.

Developments after the first-ever transfer of power in 2000 show that in the past two decades Taiwan achieved more of a "procedural democracy," than a "substantive democracy." Embedded in this "hollow democracy" is the potential for political decay, which might undermine the country's achievements over the past few years.

The experiences of countries such as Indonesia and South Korea show "cronyism" to be the main Achilles heel among countries that suffered during the 1997 Asian economic crisis. The recent allegations against members of the first family show that Taiwan is drifting toward the same path as South Korea and Indonesia.

Political cronyism is not something new that arose after the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) came to power. It was deeply rooted in the Chinese Nationalist Party's (KMT) authoritarian rule. Regretfully, cronyism still dominates politics.

The pan-blue's majority in the legislature constitutes the key structural obstacle for the DPP government in initiating decisive reforms on issues related to the KMT's illegally acquired assets, as well as eliminating vote-buying and back-door financial transactions. What is worse, however, is that some DPP members have emulated the KMT's dirty tricks by building their own webs of cronyism.

Reports released by international risk-assessment companies have already signaled that foreign investors in Taiwan are most concerned about corruption and government inefficiency.

The primary problem for Taiwan's politics and economy is a lag in the development of institutions and the rule of law following rapid social and economic change. Political decay, in most cases, is sidelined by other issues -- such as independence-unification debates and ethnic disputes, continued wrestling between the pan-green and the pan-blue camps and the legislature's lack of efficiency in constructing a judicial safety net to regulate corruption. These have become a real threat to the nation's political and economic system.

The legislature's failure to pass so-called "sunshine bills," and the opposition's refusal to support the establishment of an Independent Commission Against Corruption have bred opportunities for corruption.

The DPP has apologized to the nation for the alleged crimes of the president's son-in-law but pan-blue legislators still want Chen to consider stepping down. The most important task now is to begin structural reforms to institutionalize the political system.

The pan-blue camp should not take advantage of the DPP's flagging popularity. Instead, KMT Chairman Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) should strengthen party discipline to accelerate the passage of the "sunshine bills." Ma should also show more responsibility by pushing bills that address his party's illegally acquired assets.

Ma should also not distract public attention from his prior endorsement of KMT politicians who have been charged with bribery, including Keelung Mayor Hsu Tsai-li (許財利) and former Taitung County commissioner Wu Chun-li (吳俊立).

Ma has criticized the first family's alleged misconduct as "a disgrace," but he owes the public an apology for the immoral behavior of KMT members.

In conclusion, political democratization and social mobilization tend to produce political decay, and steps must be taken to moderate or restrict the impact on political consciousness and political involvement.

Liu Kuan-teh is a Taipei-based political commentator.
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