Strike two for Iran came with President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's internationally publicized letter to Bush. It was true, as the Americans were quick to point out, that the letter contained no substantive proposals on the nuclear or any other issues. But what Washington missed, in its initial, dismissive reaction, was the symbolic importance of this first public missive from Tehran since the 1979 revolution and subsequent rupture with the US.
The letter made Ahmadinejad, who was demonized by Western governments following his anti-Israeli statements and apparent attempts to deny the Holocaust, look like a more human figure who was seeking, however clumsily, to avoid a confrontation. The letter's flat rejection made Washington look like an aggressor, thereby undermining sympathy for its cause.
That impression was only reinforced in the course of Tehran's third public relations success in a week -- Ahmadinejad's visit to Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim country, for a summit meeting of the D-8 (as opposed to the G8) -- a group of principally Islamic countries espousing joint development goals. The group backed Iran's right to develop nuclear technology for peaceful purposes and called on the US and its allies to more forcefully pursue a diplomatic solution.
Ahmadinejad told the summit Iran was ready to talk to anybody (except Israel); and would do so unconditionally, but not under the threat of force.
"We are ready to hold dialogue with all countries of the world," he said.
During his Indonesian visit, the Iranian leader was greeted as a sort of modern-day Muslim hero and cheered by admiring crowds. It was reminiscent of the sort of reception once accorded to the late chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization, Yasser Arafat.
And it bodes ill for the US and Western public diplomacy efforts in the Islamic sphere.
Ahmadinejad has made many mistakes since becoming president last year. But he is showing signs of learning. And as Albright suggested, Iran appears to be winning the battle of ideas.
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