While the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) felt relieved after US President George W. Bush's simple reiteration of his official policy toward cross-strait relations, an essential element that constructs future US-Taiwan relationship must be incorporated in the decision-making process of President Chen Shui-bian's (
The speculation that political rhetoric exchanged by leaders of Washington, Taipei and Beijing might lead to a policy change have cast a shadow on the relationship between the three sides. Policymakers should take a multidimensional look at current US-Taiwan relations before jumping into any conclusion.
The summit between Bush and his Chinese counterpart Hu Jintao (胡錦濤) on April 20 manifested a clear case of over-speculation on US-Taiwan relations -- local media overlooked the "hot issues" that distanced Washington and Beijing. These include trade disputes and China's opening of market access, cooperation over Iran and North Korea. Taiwan is clearly not on top of the agenda. In retrospect, any argument that President Bush might use the summit to further condemn Chen's recent move to mothball the National Unification Council was short-sighted in the extreme.
Instead, both leaders of Taiwan's ruling and opposition parties should read President Bush's statement in a balanced way. Bush said: "The United States maintains our one-China policy based on the three communiques and the Taiwan Relations Act. We oppose unilateral changes in the status quo in the Taiwan Strait by either side and urge all parties to avoid confrontational or provocative acts."
"Our," "confrontational," and "provocative" are key words and need to be given special consideration.
"Our" one-China policy means there are differences on the concept of "one China" between Beijing and Washington. Washington "acknowledges" as stipulated in the 1972 Shanghai Communique, that "there is only one China," but this is a policy position only, not a principle. China, of course, is far more attached to the idea than this.
Further, when the US urges both Taiwan and China to avoid confrontational or provocative acts, one should read the "confrontational" as referring to the PRC's military expansion and missile deployment against Taiwan and "provocative" as pertaining to the DPP government's implicit moves to cross the red line of pushing for de jure independence.
Finally, on the matter of Taiwan independence, Bush stated in the press conference at the conclusion of the talks that "I assured the president [of China] my position has not changed. I do not support independence for Taiwan."
The Chen administration should react to Bush's statement in a strategic way. On the one hand, because Bush did not bring up the democratic principle of respecting Taiwanese people's freedom of choice as his predecessor President Bill Clinton did before, Chen and the DPP should continue to push for the principle of "the people decide" as the fundamental basis of US-Taiwan relations.
On the other hand, the DPP government should work harder with its US friends to strengthen the necessity of Beijing leaders' engagement in dialogue with the duly elected leader of Taiwan and its democratically elected government.
In light of Washington's policy to encourage China into being a "responsible stakeholder" in the international system, Taiwan should take the initiative by playing a positive role in pushing forward China's economic liberalization and democratic opening. while reinforcing the country's defensive capability.
Liu Kuan-teh is a Taipei-based political commentator.
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