In his National Day address, President Chen Shui-bian (
These include completing the "constitutional reengineering" project and second-phase financial reforms, reinventing a tax system that will uphold social justice, reforming preferential interest rates, returning properties inappropriately seized and reforming media culture.
Chen also called for more order in the politics of this fast-developing society. The concept is drawn from US political scientist Samuel Huntington's classic Political Order in Changing Societies.
The key finding in Huntingdon's studies on countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America shows an essential need for political authority in a changing society to develop timely institutions that can cope with rapid social change and the mobilization of new groups into politics. He argues that a decline in political order, undermined the authority, effectiveness and legitimacy of governments in those countries.
Most importantly, there was a lack of civic morale and public spirit and a shortage of institutions capable of giving meaning and direction to the public interest. Under those circumstances, political decay, not development, dominated the scene.
In Taiwan, the nature and structure of the political order determines whether democratic progress can be realized and promoted. Taiwan was lucky enough not to encounter the same magnitude of disorder, such as military coups, massacres and the resurrection of authoritarian regimes, as other countries.
However, recent discussion on whether the government has become degraded and is now walking the same path as its predecessor has led to a desire for reexamination within the party and the government itself. The question is whether Taiwan will follow the path of political decay.
It is true that the degree of social mobilization and the expansion of political participation has been considerable, especially since democratization. Nevertheless, the rates of political organization and institutionalization remain low, even after the first-ever transfer of power in 2000. Even though the reform-minded Chen has taken over the presidency, "black gold" money politics and inefficiency have remained major concerns.
The pan-blue camp's enduring and irrational boycott of government policy is a major obstacle -- but Chen's administration must take the blame.
Social mobilization and the hopes raised by the transfer of power elevated the public's expectations. The inability of the DPP government to break through the remnants of the authoritarian system to implement structural reform has also impeded the realization of economic, social and cultural change.
The gap between the high degree of political mobilization and the inability to institutionalize new democratic systems, as well as the inability to rebuild economic competitiveness on new foundations, has bred frustration and. This has fueled a decline in the Chen administration's popularity rating. In this context, the only solution for Chen is to regain the initiative in setting the agenda and issue a viable blueprint for the revitalization of Taiwan's democracy for the next two-and-a-half years.
The implementation of the six priority reforms is essential, but it must be accompanied by aggressive action and firm self-discipline. As Chen has emphasized, the government must set an example to introduce clean politics while preventing the return of corrupt relationships between politicians and business.
It's never too late to recover from a bad spell. Decisiveness and action are the key.
Liu Kuan-teh is a Taipei-based political commentator.
Could Asia be on the verge of a new wave of nuclear proliferation? A look back at the early history of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), which recently celebrated its 75th anniversary, illuminates some reasons for concern in the Indo-Pacific today. US Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin recently described NATO as “the most powerful and successful alliance in history,” but the organization’s early years were not without challenges. At its inception, the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty marked a sea change in American strategic thinking. The United States had been intent on withdrawing from Europe in the years following
My wife and I spent the week in the interior of Taiwan where Shuyuan spent her childhood. In that town there is a street that functions as an open farmer’s market. Walk along that street, as Shuyuan did yesterday, and it is next to impossible to come home empty-handed. Some mangoes that looked vaguely like others we had seen around here ended up on our table. Shuyuan told how she had bought them from a little old farmer woman from the countryside who said the mangoes were from a very old tree she had on her property. The big surprise
The issue of China’s overcapacity has drawn greater global attention recently, with US Secretary of the Treasury Janet Yellen urging Beijing to address its excess production in key industries during her visit to China last week. Meanwhile in Brussels, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen last week said that Europe must have a tough talk with China on its perceived overcapacity and unfair trade practices. The remarks by Yellen and Von der Leyen come as China’s economy is undergoing a painful transition. Beijing is trying to steer the world’s second-largest economy out of a COVID-19 slump, the property crisis and
Former president Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) trip to China provides a pertinent reminder of why Taiwanese protested so vociferously against attempts to force through the cross-strait service trade agreement in 2014 and why, since Ma’s presidential election win in 2012, they have not voted in another Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) candidate. While the nation narrowly avoided tragedy — the treaty would have put Taiwan on the path toward the demobilization of its democracy, which Courtney Donovan Smith wrote about in the Taipei Times in “With the Sunflower movement Taiwan dodged a bullet” — Ma’s political swansong in China, which included fawning dithyrambs