One of the key characteristics of Taiwan's shallow political circus and headline-driven media culture is a tendency to search for the next hot issue without seriously taking into account the current political and social dynamics.
In the latest maneuvering within the ruling and the opposition parties, the winner of the Chinese Nationalist Party's (KMT) chairmanship election seems to be isolated by the existing old forces from within. Meanwhile, a sense of anxiety has appeared throughout the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) about whether President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) is a "lame-duck" president and whether he reveal early his favored candidate for the presidential campaign in 2008.
Such a mentality displays a serious lack of self-confidence in the DPP, and most importantly, it overlooks an essential growth in public awareness about how to judge the performance of politicians by a stricter standard.
Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) enjoyed a short period of glory after winning a landslide victory in the KMT chairmanship election last month, and enjoys higher popularity vis-a-vis any one of the potential four DPP candidates -- including Vice President Annette Lu (呂秀蓮), Premier Frank Hsieh (謝長廷), DPP Chairman Shu Chin-chiang (蘇貞昌), and Presidential Office Secretary-General Yu Shyi-kun. He now faces challenges from within the KMT, including how to mend the fence with Legislative Speaker Wang Jyn-ping (王金平) and distinguishing his own political philosophy from that of Chairman Lien Chan (連戰). These constitute huge obstacles for Ma to successfully move on to the next round of political wrestlemania.
To alleviate internal pressure and to counteract any onset of the lame-duck effect, Chen introduced his own experience in the previous two presidential elections as an "underdog" in the beginning, and won the campaigns in the end to prove that "a true hero is one who has the last laugh by winning a grueling race."
Chen's calls for rejuvenating the party morale was a timely reminder to educate DPP members that what they should bear in mind at present is how to do a better job to consolidate grassroots support, instead of wasting resources and energy in political strategy and intra-party competition.
Moreover, the idea for the president to designate a successor is a step backward from the DPP's long-held, more democratic principle of selecting its own candidates. Unlike the KMT's or even the Chinese Communist Party's long tradition of a "designated successor," it is impossible for Chen to publicly endorse his successor.
In this regard, the assumption that Chen has been trying to establish a "balance of power" among the potential four competitors within the DPP lacks both theoretical weight and democratic values.
Instead of worrying about Ma's ascendance as the "automatic candidate" for the pan-blue camp, the DPP should use this chance to select its own candidate, and thereby establish a model on which to judge the next leadership of Taiwan.
Taiwan's voters are now better informed and more independent when it comes to elections. The next leader in Taiwan must judge when to run up the flag and charge, and when to mediate differences and seek to move toward a consensus by stages in the face of both internal and external challenges.
Whoever represents the DPP in the 2008 presidential election, he or she will win support not only because of knowing how to incorporate negotiation and persuasion into their political maneuvering, but also because they are more pragmatic and effective in resonating with the public about the need to put aside partisan disputes in favor of upholding the public interest.
Liu Kuan-teh is a political commentator based in Taipei.
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