President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) recently announced that the second round of constitutional amendments will replace the old sovereignty concept based on a "greater China" ideology with a pragmatic approach to the sovereignty issue. This statement, which amounts to a "declaration of independence," has been an effective reply to the "China fever" that has followed the visits to China by Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Lien Chan (連戰) and People First Party Chairman James Soong (
After an awareness of sovereignty was established in the 1648 Treaty of Westphalia, the sovereignty principle became an important way of organizing the relationship between nations, and it is also the most important principle for avoiding foreign interference in local affairs. As a result, countries began to give legal recognition to the international community as a multitude of free and sovereign states.
The establishment of the concept of national status prevented domestic groups from treating the state as private property to be passed on to someone else at will.
While the KMT was in power, the issue of Taiwanese sovereignty was made part of a "greater China" ideology, legitimizing its monopolistic interpretation that Taiwan was its personal property. The imaginary community built on this fantastic ideology meant that the KMT elite constantly kept expanding the state apparatus during the civil war with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
After the retreat to Taiwan, the KMT elite no longer used war, but rather national infrastructure projects such as education, transportation, state-run enterprises and massive industrial development to maintain the basis for its power through direct rule and infiltration. The KMT-controlled state actively interfered with and infiltrated civil society. It tied the daily lives of citizens to the state and used it to gather information about private citizens to maintain its grip on power. The KMT's loss of power in 2000 also meant a transfer of its right to interpret the sovereignty of Taiwan. The KMT worried that Chen would lead Taiwan toward independence, which would have undermined its most praised value -- the "greater China" ideology.
The KMT then adopted a non-cooperation approach toward the Chen government, using the state apparatus as a tool in the inter-party struggle and rendering the Chen government incapable of achieving anything during its first four years in power. After last year's presidential election, the KMT adopted an approach of disobedience extending from the streets into the legislature, creating a difficult political situation and embroiling the blue and green camps in vicious battles.
This year, the idea that struggle against China was hopeless appeared in the KMT, after which a servile approach toward China was adopted -- Lien and Soong decided to take it on themselves to offer sovereignty over Taiwan to the CCP in the hope that joining hands with China would win them back political power and control of Taiwan.
Not only has the KMT -- in the name of the "greater China" ideology -- treated Taiwanese sovereignty as a tool to be handed over to China at will, it has also mixed up its understanding of friend and foe.
The threat to Taiwan's security thus does not only come from China, but more importantly, it comes from that elusive "greater China" ideology which constantly keeps undermining the foundation for solidarity among the people of Taiwan. Unless we rid ourselves of that illusion, Taiwan will never see peace, and "Taiwanese security" will forever remain an empty phrase.
Wang Kun-yi is an associate professor at the Graduate Institute of International Affairs and Strategic Studies at Tamkang University.
Translated by Perry Svensson
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