For the "Chinese" in Taiwan who advocate cross-strait unification, there is no need to elaborate on the "sin" of Taiwan independence. But a majority of pro-independence Taiwanese don't mean to provoke cross-strait tension; they are instinctively seeking self-preservation in the face of China's degeneration.
Recently China's economy has taken off. But in reality, China is facing all sorts of challenges, such as increasing urban-rural disparity, the gap between rich and poor and the question of whether the world's raw materials and energy sources are sufficiently abundant to meet the needs of China's 1.3 billion people.
From a historic standpoint, the Opium Wars, the Arrow War, the Boxer Protocol of 1901, the warlord period, the Great Leap Forward, the Cultural Revolution and the Tiananmen Square Incident revealed a waning China. And the Sino-Japanese War, which caused Taiwan to be under Japanese colonial rule for 50 years, the 228 Incident, and the White Terror revealed the troubled path of China's modern history.
In reality, pro-independence Taiwanese can boldly regard China as unable to advance to become a democratic nation. Therefore they insist on seeking independence for self-preservation. If China could eventually become "modernized," democratic and socioeconomically balanced, pro-independence Taiwanese would very likely change their minds.
Some pro-independent advocates do not grasp the meaning of Taiwan independence, and in the face of China's rising, believe that Taiwan should declare independence sooner rather than later. They are even willing to provoke a war to induce the US to put a curb on China's economy. As a result, they believe they are "helping the free world restrict the developments of communist China." Such thinking is not only dangerous, but also deviates from the original simple notion of Taiwan independence. If these people believe that China will eventually become prosperous and democratic, and so seek to frighten us with the "China threat" -- even to the point of provoking a cross-strait conflict -- then their appeals are not for the good of Taiwanese citizens, but rather for their own selfish individual advantages. Their notion of Taiwan independence lacks strength, and has limited appeal.
In more than a hundred years of China's ups and downs, its modernization still lags behind Taiwan. It has betrayed Taiwan before, and cross-strait relations are still tense. So it is inevitable that Taiwanese would have a complex response to China's recent economic achievements.
If we turn our pessimism to anti-China rage, see China's rising as a disaster and do our best to block it, then China's many crimes will evaporate in the face of our irrational behavior. As a result, only power struggles will remain between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait. If the rise of China does happen, will it mean that Taiwanese will fall into everlasting fear and hatred?
Since we deeply feel that China's tyranny will eventually end, or that China itself could split, we should just pursue steady cross-strait and diplomatic policies, and not be afraid of delay. Under certain conditions there may be a possibility for unification as China heads toward democracy and prosperity. Taiwan independence is a reactive sentiment that comes from Taiwanese people's hearts, rather than shackles imposed by other countries. It is a means for Taiwanese people to ensure that their rights are protected, and should not serve the ambition of individuals. Taiwan independence should be based on pragmatism rather than an abstract idea of the mission of the Taiwanese people.
Pao Chwen-liang is an assistant professor at Chung Kuo Institute of Technology and a former researcher in the DPP's department of Mainland Affairs.
TRANSLATED BY LIN YA-TI
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