They would always be their own universe, the Sept. 11 families. They were the people the victims did not come home to that day, the people who lived with an emotional rawness that was immediate, extraordinarily public and enduring. \nIn the three years since the attacks, there have been hints of the struggles the families have fought, of the lingering toll of their losses, of the agony of deciding, among many other things, whether to accept money from the federal compensation fund or to sue in pursuit of accountability. There have been, too, hints of recovery, or at least of a determination to repair their ruptured lives as best they could. Some have, over the nearly 36 months since Sept. 11, 2001, made their voices heard -- some publicly, some only at memorial ceremonies when the names of the dead were read out. \nA deeper and more comprehensive portrait, though, emerges from a New York Times survey comprising scores of detailed interviews exploring the families' emotional, physical and spiritual status. That survey found lives colored by continuing pain. \nAlmost half still have a hard time getting a good night's sleep. A few said they no longer flew on airplanes. About one-third have changed jobs or quit. About one in five have moved since 2001, and one-fifth of those who still live where they did would move if they could. Very few have remarried. \nThe families are, it turns out, acutely aware of how others see them. Close to half those interviewed believe that other people feel too much has been said about what happened on Sept. 11. One-third said friends and neighbors avoided talking about the attacks when they are around. \nAnd about half see signs that others resent the attention paid to them. \n"They've got this idea that we're all multimillionaires and why don't we just get over it, or life goes on -- that whole general drift," said William Wilson, of Warwick, New York, the husband of Cynthia Motus-Wilson, 52, the head receptionist at International Office Centers Corp in the World Trade Center. \n"The feeling I have is, nobody really understands," he said. \nThe rest of the world may have largely returned to its old rhythms, though with a new awareness of terrorism and new jitters about preparedness in case of an attack, but the relatives remain, by their own accounts, forever changed.
China has long sought shortcuts to developing semiconductor technologies and local supply chains by poaching engineers and experts from Taiwan and other nations. It is also suspected of stealing trade secrets from Taiwanese and US firms to fulfill its ambition of becoming a major player in the global semiconductor industry in the next decade. However, it takes more than just money and talent to build a semiconductor supply chain like the one which Taiwan and the US started to cultivate more than 30 years ago. Amid rising trade and technology tensions between the world’s two biggest economies, Beijing has become
With a new White House document in May — the “Strategic Approach to the People’s Republic of China” — the administration of US President Donald Trump has firmly set its hyper-competitive line to tackle geoeconomic and geostrategic rivalry, followed by several reinforcing speeches by Trump and other Cabinet-level officials. By identifying China as a near-equal rival, the strategy resonates well with the bipartisan consensus on China in today’s severely divided US. In the face of China’s rapidly growing aggression, the move is long overdue, yet relevant for the maintenance of the international “status quo.” The strategy seems to herald a new
To say that this year has been eventful for China and the rest of the world would be something of an understatement. First, the US-China trade dispute, already simmering for two years, reached a boiling point as Washington tightened the noose around China’s economy. Second, China unleashed the COVID-19 pandemic on the world, wreaking havoc on an unimaginable scale and turning the People’s Republic of China into a common target of international scorn. Faced with a mounting crisis at home, Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) rashly decided to ratchet up military tensions with neighboring countries in a misguided attempt to divert the
Toward the end of former president Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) final term in office, there was much talk about his legacy. Ma himself would likely prefer history books to enshrine his achievements in reducing cross-strait tensions. He might see his meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) in Singapore in 2015 as the high point. However, given his statements in the past few months, he might be remembered more for contributing to the breakup of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT). We are still talking about Ma and his legacy because it is inextricably tied to the so-called “1992 consensus” as the bedrock of his