Editorial: A call for clarity and resolve

President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) has launched a campaign of reform within the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), part of which involves his standing down from his position as party chairman. This move meets society's expectations regarding the separation between party and state and is therefore commendable.

Yet the way Chen pushes reforms conforms to the manner of strongman leadership, tainting the goodwill offered by this gesture. As this reform campaign does not have a overall blueprint, some suspect that this is yet another "phase" in Chen's political strategy.

The accumulated administrative experiences of democratic countries teaches the lesson of "establishing an administration within 100 days." This refers to the idea that a new government's performance in its first three months will set the tone for its achievements later.

Since Chen won a second term, he is clearly changing his style. In the past month he has vastly reduced his media exposure, instead talking with experts from many fields and soliciting their opinions on reforms. We believe Chen has drawn his blueprint, and that his proposal to step down as party chairman and reorganize the party apparatus are part of a larger strategy.

Chen hoping to further his role as an unbiased, non-partisan head of state by seeking this separation between his party and the government. As such, he can straddle the strategic high ground and arbitrate in next year's reforms.

Regrettably, right from the outset, he has raised public doubts as to whether he can make his decisions stand. There have been three amendments to his plans in as many days. First he said he would appoint a vice party chairman to take care of party affairs, then he suggested the party's Central Standing Committee could select his successor from three vice chairmen. Yesterday he said the new chairman's position was to be put to the vote.

The president's intentions to democratize and reform his party have been met with anger and distortions, but we hope we are not seeing the lack of direction that plagued the first three months of his first term. If he really intends to make reforms he will have to communicate with clarity to avoid forcing his advisors and administrators to second-guess his decisions.

Former Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石) and Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國), and even Lee Teng-hui (李登輝), who was instrumental in establishing a democratic government, all favored a cult of personality, their political strategy defined by the idea that "the will of heaven is difficult to understand." Whether in reshuffles or in promoting policy, they would initially be vague about their intentions, giving an impression of their own great wisdom and frustrating possible dissenters. The era of the political strongmen has passed and society will not permit the return of authoritarianism. Leaders must put more effort into communicating with other organs of political power, the media and the public. Chen has escaped the role of a presidential nominee, and is in a position to discuss his ideas with the media directly.

Yet given Chen's political power, whoever takes up the party chairmanship will need his approval. Since there is an overall blueprint, there is no need for Chen to be coy and evasive. Chen has been accused of being inconsistent, contradictory and insincere in his attitudes toward cross-strait relations, referendums and financial reforms. Whether he can shake off this image in his second term and reveal his vision will be a key factor in whether he is able to carry out reforms. In his first term, Chen was trying to ensure a second term, and now his sights are on establishing his historical legacy. Deep thought, creating the right conditions, building consensus and realizing reform is how successful leaders operate. People are waiting for Chen to take firmer steps and a more sincere attitude to achieve his reforms.