China misreads Chen reform plan

`Chen's blueprint for adopting a new constitution in 2006 and implementing it in 2008 was drafted to meet Taiwan's practical needs. This constitutional and political reform project intends to turn Taiwan into a normal country -- without touching on the issue of independence.'

China's Taiwan Affairs Office spokesperson Lee Weiyi (李維一) last week launched verbal attacks against President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁), disputing Chen's recent statement that to "protect Taiwan and stand up against China" is our nation's mainstream popular will. Instead, according to Lee, the statement is Chen's confession of creating cross-strait antag-onism and pushing for Taiwan's independence.

Lee alleged that Chen on one hand declared an intention to build a "cross-strait peace and stability framework" and proposed the "one peace" principle, yet, on the other hand, repeatedly proposed a referendum on a new constitution in 2006 and implementation of the new constitution in 2008, so as to make Taiwan a complete country. Lee called these proposals a timetable for Taiwan's independence that will necessarily increase tensions within the region.

Lee also said that the communist regime would never tolerate Taiwan's independence or allow anyone to divide Taiwan from China in any manner, and that no one should underestimate the determination of the Chinese government and people to keep Chinese territory intact, regardless of the price.

Lee's attack marked the first time since the presidential election that China explicitly voiced its stance on Chen's proposals. By calling the Democratic Progressive Party's (DPP) schedule for constitutional and political reforms an "ndependence timetable," China has indicated that the likelihood of the two sides re-opening dialogue is very low during Chen's second term. China will continue to adopt cutthroat strategies such as boycotts, diplomatic isolation and other obstructions to oppose Taiwan. The chances for positive interactions between the two sides remain remote.

This disheartening prospect is further confirmed by last week's request by Chinese Central Military Commission Chairman Jiang Zemin (江澤民) to US Vice President Dick Cheney that the US cease arms sales to Taiwan. Cutting the arms sales would signal US disapproval of Taiwan's independence, Jiang said, as would US repetition of the same old rhetoric about peaceful unification and "one country, two systems."

In fact, Jiang, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao (溫家寶) and Chinese President Hu Jintao (胡錦濤) all took turns pressuring Cheney on the issue of Taiwan. In other words, the demonstration of the popular will in the presidential election and referendum seemed incapable of disabusing these leaders of their "one China" dream. This "new Chinese empire," as depicted by Ross Terrill, continues to live in the myth of "one China" by not only casting reality and history into the dustbin but also attempting to manipulate Taiwan through US pressure.

Since then China has made and carried out more than its share of threats about not tolerating those it says would undermine its sovereignty and territory. It has employed military coercion and a long diplomatic siege against Taiwan, and has deliberately interfered with US arms sales to Taiwan. Yet the people of Taiwan have gotten used to these threats and remain unmoved, and democracy in Taiwan continues to evolve at its own pace. It will neither be derailed nor reversed as a result of Chinese meddling.

However, history provides ample evidence that China treats surrounding countries in the same way an empire treats its vassal states. It is ready at any time to use force against neighbors unwilling to be subsumed. Xinjiang, East Turkestan and Tibet are inhabited by races completely unrelated to the Han people, and these areas have in various eras fought with and co-existed with China. Thus historically they cannot be called inseparable parts of Chinese territory. Yet China forcibly took over both East Turkestan and Tibet, where it implements a policy of racial division in an attempt to suppress all sentiment for independence. China also sent troops into India and waged a so-called "punitive war" against Vietnam.

Therefore, although China claims that it is sincere about making its "utmost effort" to seek peaceful unification with Taiwan, our citizens can never be too careful about China's military ambi-tions.

After all, China is a totalitarian regime; it can do as it pleases with absolutely no regard for the popular will. Once something stands in the way of its ambitions, no one should overlook China's intention to fight until mutual destruction.

We must not forget that China calls Taiwan's independence a condition for the use of force against our country. Therefore, in labelling Chen's plan to adopt a new constitution as "an independence timetable," it is obviously looking for an excuse to use force.

However, it is a grave error to view the referendum as a mea-sure that promotes Taiwan's independence.

Democratic reforms have produced a political system where Taiwan's top officials -- from the president to village chiefs -- are all chosen through regular elections. The elected legislature also has become a symbol of government by the people. So Taiwan is already a sovereign and independent country.

Taiwan's independence is the reality of the status quo. There is no need for any so-called "Taiwan independence" time-table to prove what is already a fact.

Chen's blueprint for adopting a new constitution in 2006 and implementing it in 2008 was drafted to meet practical needs. This constitutional and political reform project intends to turn Taiwan into a normal country -- without touching on the issue of independence.

While Taiwan is already an independent country, its political and constitutional framework continues to operate on the model of "greater China" brought over by an alien regime. Not only are the targets and goals of this model incompatible with reality, but it is unclear whether the country's five-branch government structure can be amended to conform with world trends toward three-branch governments.

Whether to have a presidential, semi-presidential or Cabinet form of government remains a serious question for constitutional and political reformers.

In other words, if Taiwan is a new car, its existing Constitution is an old engine.

While this old engine has gone through multiple repairs to strengthen it, repairs are no longer enough; the car needs a new engine.

The proposed 2006 referendum on the adoption of a new constitution is intended to resolve these controversies and further Taiwan's democratic development.

In other words, the referendum is a necessary milestone for Taiwan, because only through such reforms can Taiwan become a normal country. No country's political or constitutional reform should be subject to other countries' meddling.

Taiwan does not belong to China, so China has no right to interfere with plans to have a referendum decide the issue of a new constitution. Regardless of China's intimidation, Taiwan's people will continue to pursue this path of reform.