While the post-election domestic politics are entangling with electoral disputes and the election-eve shooting incident, President Chen Shui-bian (
The main interests of the international media lies in the questions of what constitutes Chen's next step, especially how he plans to reconstruct his relationship with his Beijing counterpart and how he would convince the international community his proposed new constitution in 2006 has no bearing on a unilateral change to the status quo of the Taiwan Strait.
There is a perception internationally that Chen has sent a mixed message on his approach to China. His speech on election night was considered quite conciliatory, while more recent remarks have been interpreted as taking a tougher, more defiant attitude. For example, while Chen advocates the establishment of a framework for cross-strait peace and stability, he also contends that the rise of the so-called "Taiwanese conscious-ness" has reinforced the notion of "one country on each side" of the Taiwan Strait."
What impact will such a complicated picture have on the future cross-strait relationship? What specific steps can Chen take in his second term to reach out to China and try to break the cross-strait deadlock and to reassure the world that he won't cross Beijing's "red lines" on the independence issue?
Most international observers seem to have assumed Chen's victory and his strong adherence to Taiwan's statehood poses a clear challenge to Beijing's "one China" principle and will inevitably damage cross-strait relations.
Such a stereotypical reading fails to take into account new elements of Taiwan's further democratization and Chen's proposal to build a peace framework.
First, Chen has reiterated that the essential motive for the new constitution centers more on the improvement of "good gover-nance" and bringing about political institutionalization. The idea is to hold a constitutional convention to deal with more than two-thirds of the Constitution without touching upon any changes to the name or territory of the country.
The enactment of a new constitution will have nothing to do with changing the status quo. Nor is it related to the unification or independence dispute; it involves the deepening of the nation's democratic consolidation.
Moreover, the framework for peace and stability across the Strait aims at crystallizing cross-strait interaction and institutionalized cross-strait dialogue. By making bilateral talks more predictable, the framework enables international monitoring, even facilitation. It reduces surprises and miscalculation. Isn't this what the international community has been anticipating?
A democratized Taiwan helps reinforce other new democracies in Asia. It's also produces a "light house" effect on China in terms of promoting democratic openness and liberalization.
Most importantly, a transparent and peaceful cross-strait interaction is not only beneficial to regional stability but also is in line with US interests in the Asia Pacific region.
To demonstrate his good will for cross-strait reconciliation, Chen has publicly called for both sides of the Strait to put aside political demands and replace them with a peaceful framework. If Beijing put aside its long-term precondition of the "one China" principle and Taiwan put aside the notion of "one country on each side," a common ground would be found between Taipei and Beijing. That is, peace and stability.
There is no such thing as a "red line" in future cross-strait relations. Peace and dialogue are what actually matter.
Liu Kuan-teh is a Taipei-based political commentator.
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.
Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, people have been asking if Taiwan is the next Ukraine. At a G7 meeting of national leaders in January, Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida warned that Taiwan “could be the next Ukraine” if Chinese aggression is not checked. NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg has said that if Russia is not defeated, then “today, it’s Ukraine, tomorrow it can be Taiwan.” China does not like this rhetoric. Its diplomats ask people to stop saying “Ukraine today, Taiwan tomorrow.” However, the rhetoric and stated ambition of Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) on Taiwan shows strong parallels with