They've played catch at Camp David, dined on beef and pecan pie at Bush's Texas ranch and share a love of the classic Western movie High Noon.
Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi is not only chummy with US President George W. Bush, but also -- in common with British Prime Minister Tony Blair -- has linked his security policies to the US leader, supporting the war in Iraq and sending troops there despite opposition from domestic voters.
Not surprisingly, then, Koizumi's critics say a defeat for Bush in November's presidential election at the hands of a Democratic challenger such as front-runner Senator John Kerry -- who has harshly attacked Bush on security matters -- could spell trouble for the Japanese leader.
"I think it would be quite difficult for Koizumi [if Bush lost]," former ruling party executive Koichi Kato, who opposed Japan's dispatch of troops to Iraq, said in a recent interview. "I don't know if he could handle it or not."
Bush fares badly with Japanese voters. A recent poll by the magazine Aera showed that 57 percent would prefer to see him defeated while only seven percent want him to stay.
Diplomatic experts, however, say the Democrats' preference for building consensus with allies could be a plus for Koizumi, while fears of their traditional protectionist tinge are probably overdone.
"Democrats are somewhat more multilateral, more inclined to go to the United Nations. That means, for Koizumi, who wants Japanese support for the Self-Defense Forces deployment, UN legitimacy is more likely to be present," said Joseph Nye, dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School.
"I don't think the substance of security policy will change much, but the procedures the Democrats would use would make things slightly easier for Japan," Nye, a former assistant defense secretary, said in a recent telephone interview.
SOTTO VOCE ADVICE
Koizumi is sending up to 1,000 members of the Self-Defense Forces, as its military is known, to help rebuild Iraq.
Domestic critics of the risky mission say it violates Japan's pacifist Constitution, while some Japanese resent what they see as US pressure for support in Iraq in return for protection against the nuclear threat from North Korea.
Tokyo has welcomed Bush's commitment to cementing the alliance after years of friction with and perceived slights by his Democratic predecessor, Bill Clinton. And friendly ties between the two leaders have made diplomats' jobs easier.
But personal chemistry aside, a Democratic president who paid more heed to allies' concerns might make Koizumi more comfortable.
"Kerry's public criticism of Bush is the same sort of thing Koizumi has been telling Bush privately," said University of Tokyo professor Akihiko Tanaka.
Nor would a Democrat be likely to abandon Bush's policy of coaxing and prodding Japan into a bolder global security role.
"Japan policy will stay roughly the same," said Nye, who in 2000 co-authored with Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage a report that became the backbone of Bush's Japan policy.
"The big change ... came in the Clinton administration, when we had the [1995] `Nye Initiative' to get away from the view of Japan as a rising enemy and redefine the Japan security relationship as a basis for stability," Nye added.
A MATTER OF DEGREE?
How Japan would fare with a Democrat on the economic front is a matter of concern, but here, too, partisan differences may be less than meet the eye.
Some analysts expect US authorities to revive their "strong dollar" policy once the election is over, no matter who wins.
"No matter who takes over the administration, they will have to be more aggressive about dealing with the twin deficits," said Shusei Tanaka, a former Japanese Cabinet minister. "I don't think the policy of allowing the dollar to weaken will continue."
Japan has intervened repeatedly in the currency market to curb the yen's strength, which officials fear could hurt exports, the engine of the economy's recovery from a decade of stagnation.
Trade is proving a hot topic on the US campaign trail, with Kerry toughening his tone in response to the protectionist mantra of his former rival, Senator John Edwards.
Analysts and veteran politicians, however, warn against taking campaign rhetoric at face value, while noting that Bush has also occasionally blotted his free trade record.
"A Democrat would not necessarily be more protectionist," said former Japanese foreign minister Masahiko Komura.
"I hear Kerry basically favors free trade and I don't think the difference would be that great," Komura said.
Congressman Mike Gallagher (R-WI) and Congressman Raja Krishnamoorthi (D-IL) led a bipartisan delegation to Taiwan in late February. During their various meetings with Taiwan’s leaders, this delegation never missed an opportunity to emphasize the strength of their cross-party consensus on issues relating to Taiwan and China. Gallagher and Krishnamoorthi are leaders of the House Select Committee on the Chinese Communist Party. Their instruction upon taking the reins of the committee was to preserve China issues as a last bastion of bipartisanship in an otherwise deeply divided Washington. They have largely upheld their pledge. But in doing so, they have performed the
It is well known that Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) ambition is to rejuvenate the Chinese nation by unification of Taiwan, either peacefully or by force. The peaceful option has virtually gone out of the window with the last presidential elections in Taiwan. Taiwanese, especially the youth, are resolved not to be part of China. With time, this resolve has grown politically stronger. It leaves China with reunification by force as the default option. Everyone tells me how and when mighty China would invade and overpower tiny Taiwan. However, I have rarely been told that Taiwan could be defended to
It should have been Maestro’s night. It is hard to envision a film more Oscar-friendly than Bradley Cooper’s exploration of the life and loves of famed conductor and composer Leonard Bernstein. It was a prestige biopic, a longtime route to acting trophies and more (see Darkest Hour, Lincoln, and Milk). The film was a music biopic, a subgenre with an even richer history of award-winning films such as Ray, Walk the Line and Bohemian Rhapsody. What is more, it was the passion project of cowriter, producer, director and actor Bradley Cooper. That is the kind of multitasking -for-his-art overachievement that Oscar
Chinese villages are being built in the disputed zone between Bhutan and China. Last month, Chinese settlers, holding photographs of Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平), moved into their new homes on land that was not Xi’s to give. These residents are part of the Chinese government’s resettlement program, relocating Tibetan families into the territory China claims. China shares land borders with 15 countries and sea borders with eight, and is involved in many disputes. Land disputes include the ones with Bhutan (Doklam plateau), India (Arunachal Pradesh, Aksai Chin) and Nepal (near Dolakha and Solukhumbu districts). Maritime disputes in the South China