In the last presidential election, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) exposed the Chung Hsing Bills Finance case, which caused a dramatic change in the election situation. James Soong (
It is difficult to predict how this politically sensitive case, which is very likely to influence another election, will turn out. If the prosecutors indict Soong before next year's presidential election, then Soong, the People First Party (PFP) and the entire pan-blue camp will use the claim of political persecution as a major campaign strategy. An indictment would be deleterious to the blue camp, because the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government apparently cannot manipulate the prosecutors to either indict him or not.
The public's judgment is already very clear. According to an opinion poll conducted by TVBS on Oct. 24, 53 percent of the public believes Soong has not clarified the matter. Only 16 percent believes he has, while 31 percent has no opinion. The Chung Hsing case is obviously a major test for Soong. It definitely has an impact on the Lien-Soong ticket, but ultimately it is not the most crucial factor.
There are apparently more important factors behind the continuing slide in support rates for the Lien-Soong ticket. In the final analysis, the problem lies with the political characters of Lien and Soong.
The two have been adapting to their roles of presidential and vice presidential candidate. But their basic political characters have not seen any fundamental change. At best, Lien has merely shifted from a gentle appearance to being relatively more abusive. But Lien started heaping abuse on people in the previous election. Soong's criticism of Lien at the time was right on the mark -- he said Lien's special quality is that he does not take any stances on any matter. Soong also stressed that "a person who has no views of his own cannot be a president." Does Lien have any views or stances now? He doesn't, in Soong's eyes, as one can clearly see in Soong's raw obstructionism during the Legislative Yuan's review of Grand Justice nominees in the previous legislative session.
Soong is very domineering, believing that he can control the country by adopting the traditional style of being close to the people. He almost views himself as a wise emperor. He accumulated massive political resources during his days as KMT secretary-general and provincial governor. Many political figures yield obedience to him.
In a democratic era, such an attitude in itself will be faced with a major predicament. The PFP has found it difficult to break free from the predicament of a one-man party. While calling Soong a man with "a wolf's heart and a dog's lungs" in March 2000, Lien also ridiculed his camp as "a small gang talking about being above parties and factions." Soong's single-minded wish to be a wise emperor in a democratic era has a direct bearing on the PFP's failure to widen its scope.
There is a fundamental contradiction in the cooperation between a man with no views and a man with a wolf's heart and a dog's lungs. Even if they win the presidential election, they will not be able to resolve the problems created by such political characters. Lien and Soong need to change their political characters thoroughly if they are really sincere about taking up the heavy responsibility of leading the country.
Chiu Hei-yuan is a professor of sociology at National Taiwan University and a member of the Taipei Society.
Translated by Francis Huang
Could Asia be on the verge of a new wave of nuclear proliferation? A look back at the early history of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), which recently celebrated its 75th anniversary, illuminates some reasons for concern in the Indo-Pacific today. US Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin recently described NATO as “the most powerful and successful alliance in history,” but the organization’s early years were not without challenges. At its inception, the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty marked a sea change in American strategic thinking. The United States had been intent on withdrawing from Europe in the years following
My wife and I spent the week in the interior of Taiwan where Shuyuan spent her childhood. In that town there is a street that functions as an open farmer’s market. Walk along that street, as Shuyuan did yesterday, and it is next to impossible to come home empty-handed. Some mangoes that looked vaguely like others we had seen around here ended up on our table. Shuyuan told how she had bought them from a little old farmer woman from the countryside who said the mangoes were from a very old tree she had on her property. The big surprise
The issue of China’s overcapacity has drawn greater global attention recently, with US Secretary of the Treasury Janet Yellen urging Beijing to address its excess production in key industries during her visit to China last week. Meanwhile in Brussels, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen last week said that Europe must have a tough talk with China on its perceived overcapacity and unfair trade practices. The remarks by Yellen and Von der Leyen come as China’s economy is undergoing a painful transition. Beijing is trying to steer the world’s second-largest economy out of a COVID-19 slump, the property crisis and
As former president Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) wrapped up his visit to the People’s Republic of China, he received his share of attention. Certainly, the trip must be seen within the full context of Ma’s life, that is, his eight-year presidency, the Sunflower movement and his failed Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, as well as his eight years as Taipei mayor with its posturing, accusations of money laundering, and ups and downs. Through all that, basic questions stand out: “What drives Ma? What is his end game?” Having observed and commented on Ma for decades, it is all ironically reminiscent of former US president Harry