More public discourse better for the country

The advisory referendum held in Taipei County's Pinglin township earlier this month aroused opposition from the Environ-mental Protection Administration. It also caused a spat between Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) and Executive Yuan Spokesman Lin Chia-lung (林佳龍) over Ma's likening of the referendum to China's Cultural Revolution.

In less than two days, the Pinglin referendum triggered a demand for similar referendums.

Taipei County's Wulai township demanded that toll booths in a sightseeing area be demolished. Miaoli County's Hsihu township asked for the establishment of a simplified interchange along the Second Central Freeway. Kao-hsiung County's Neimen township wants NT$100 million in compensation from Kaohsiung City's water supply company. Nantou County's Chichi township opposes the construction of an incinerator. The residents all want to express their opinions in the form of a referendum and by doing so hope to affect the public policy-making process.

The manifestation of public opinion in Taiwan has gone through three stages.

Before the 1980s, if unhappy with some public policy or situation, the public could only silently suffer. Except for petitioning, we dared not do anything. But petitioning merely appeals to factory owners' conscience or the government's mercy. How many petition cases have produced substantive effects?

In the early 1980s, people usually gave vent to their discontent through self-help means. A total of 1,516 such incidents took place between 1983 and 1987. Residents used physical methods such as sieges and vandalism to express their strong discontent. The most famous protests included those over the Fifth Naphtha Cracker in Houchin, the Sanhuang chemical factory in Taichung, the Lee Chang Yung Chemical Industry in Hsinchu and numerous "garbage battles." Capitalists and government officials were forced to face up to the problems.

The 1986 anti-DuPont demonstration in Lukang marked the beginning of well-organized self-help protests. The demonstrations were more moderate and received approval from the authorities beforehand. Despite some violent interludes, the demonstrations basically presented rational appeals.

After 2000, the anti-Fourth Nuclear Power Plant movement gradually changed its form with the proposal of a referendum. The various referendum issues hotly discussed right now are basically inspired by the idea of deciding the nuclear power plant construction by a referendum.

In light of this history, conducting referendums is a new method for the public to express opinions. It replaces violent protests and marches with votes. Demonstrations are more moderate than violent protests and referendums are more moderate than demonstrations.

I don't understand why a society would fear holding plebiscites after having experienced violent protests and demonstrations. Such referendums are not legally binding. They are only used to express public opinion and democracy in the most direct way. Why are politicians worried? Is it because they are not confident about the rationality and fairness of their policies? Politicians should neither oppose nor fear referendums. They should actively provide guidance to the public, allowing people to obtain sufficient information before going to polling booths.

This process can stir up people's enthusiasm for political participation and boost their capability in public discourse. This way, Taiwan can really implement its democratic politics. Otherwise, if all public affairs have to depend on the decisions of technocrats or experts, there would be blindspots in the policy-making process.

Lii Ding-tzann is a professor in the Institute of Sociology at National Tsing Hua University.

Translated by Jackie Lin