In his recent testimony before the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee on Sept. 11, Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs James Kelly said US-China relations were better than they had been in years. A week later, Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage expressed his reservations about President Chen Shui-bian's (陳水扁) decision to hold a referendum on Taiwan's participation in the World Health Organization.
How are these two incidents related? And what impact will they have on US-Taiwan-China relations?
Kelly's comments originate largely from the six-party talks hosted by China early this month. Even though little was agreed, China's attempts to get North Korea to the negotiation table and reinforce its leadership in the Asia-Pacific region has created an atmosphere suitable for US-China rapprochement.
Sino-American cooperation on the war against terrorism and security issues on the Korean Peninsula could not have come at a worse time for Taiwan, which wants to use the referendum as a tool to boost its electoral momentum.
It appears that Washington was not convinced by the Chen administration on the rationale for a referendum to reconfirm Taiwan's bid for WHO observership. This explains why Armitage questioned the need for a referendum. From the standpoint of the Bush administration, it would not only raise the issue of Tai-wan's sovereignty internationally, it also to a great extent violates Chen's pledge in his inaugural speech about not holding a referendum on independence.
If Chen insists on a referendum, will he cross the "red line" of cross-strait diplomacy and damage the Taipei-Washington relationship? In what way can Chen manipulate the election by utilizing the referendum without damaging the US' trust?
Chen must understand the changes that have occurred with the improvement of US-China relations. Although few expected the North Korea talks to produce a breakthrough, the nuclear issue is raising concerns that China is gaining influence in the region, as witnessed by how leaders in Bei-jing handled the matter.
China's more moderate approach toward Washington has prompted the Bush administration to forge a candid, constructive and cooperative relationship with Beijing. In the face of Washington's gradual tilt toward Bei-jing, the Chen administration should take a more cautious approach when it comes to generating electoral support.
In selling the idea of referendums to the US, the Chen admin-istration must establish candid channels of communication to avoid misinterpretation. It must reconfirm to Washington its position of playing a constructive role in the region, rather than the role of trouble-maker. It should ensure it is not seen to be antagonizing Beijing and jeopardizing the US' interests in Asia.
Second, a referendum on the WHO has nothing to do with demonstrating Taiwan's sovereignty. It is a positive way to show Taiwan's determination to contribute to the organization. Tai-wan's efforts to build a better world for all humanity should not be obstructed by China's political interference. When Armitage asked, "Who would not want to join the WHO?" and emphasized that "the US has always supported Taiwan's participation," can he guarantee that the WHO would treat Taiwan with equality and justice?
To alleviate the US' concerns, a detailed explanation on how referendums will be implemented must be given. In this regard, what the Chen administration hopes to establish by implementing referendums is to enrich and consolidate Taiwan's democratic achievements. Whatever the outcome, it will be reached through a democratic process and with the consent of the people in Taiwan.
Liu Kuan-teh is a Taipei-based political commentator.
Could Asia be on the verge of a new wave of nuclear proliferation? A look back at the early history of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), which recently celebrated its 75th anniversary, illuminates some reasons for concern in the Indo-Pacific today. US Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin recently described NATO as “the most powerful and successful alliance in history,” but the organization’s early years were not without challenges. At its inception, the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty marked a sea change in American strategic thinking. The United States had been intent on withdrawing from Europe in the years following
My wife and I spent the week in the interior of Taiwan where Shuyuan spent her childhood. In that town there is a street that functions as an open farmer’s market. Walk along that street, as Shuyuan did yesterday, and it is next to impossible to come home empty-handed. Some mangoes that looked vaguely like others we had seen around here ended up on our table. Shuyuan told how she had bought them from a little old farmer woman from the countryside who said the mangoes were from a very old tree she had on her property. The big surprise
The issue of China’s overcapacity has drawn greater global attention recently, with US Secretary of the Treasury Janet Yellen urging Beijing to address its excess production in key industries during her visit to China last week. Meanwhile in Brussels, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen last week said that Europe must have a tough talk with China on its perceived overcapacity and unfair trade practices. The remarks by Yellen and Von der Leyen come as China’s economy is undergoing a painful transition. Beijing is trying to steer the world’s second-largest economy out of a COVID-19 slump, the property crisis and
Ursula K. le Guin in The Ones Who Walked Away from Omelas proposed a thought experiment of a utopian city whose existence depended on one child held captive in a dungeon. When taken to extremes, Le Guin suggests, utilitarian logic violates some of our deepest moral intuitions. Even the greatest social goods — peace, harmony and prosperity — are not worth the sacrifice of an innocent person. Former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁), since leaving office, has lived an odyssey that has brought him to lows like Le Guin’s dungeon. From late 2008 to 2015 he was imprisoned, much of this