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The nation must state its concerns to the US

Amid a potential rapprochement of the US-China relationship after the six-nation meeting to discuss tensions on the Korean Peninsula, US Secretary of State Colin Powell highlighted the significance of Washington-Beijing relations as the best since then-president Richard Nixon's first visit in 1972.

Despite differences with China over issues such as human rights, nuclear proliferation and the absence of political openness, Powell's latest comments represent a new school of thought when it comes to the question of how to approach China.

Since North Korea is an Achilles' heel to American foreign policy in northern Asia, China stands out as one of the most influential countries that might decide the success of Bush's attempts to solve the North Korean crisis.

There is a dominant approach related to the role of China in this US-led international effort against North Korea. It argues that US President George W. Bush should seize his chance to recast US ties with China by highlighting the two countries' common interest to combat terrorism and the need for strong cooperation on both economic and security issues. A constructive US-China relationship, according to the theory, paves the way for Bush's re-election next year. Therefore, it suggests that the Bush administration should incorporate the idea of treating China as a constructive partner determined to safeguard US interests in the Asia-Pacific region.

In this regard, some urge Bush to set aside talk of power politics and propose a step-by-step program of confidence-building measures to be pursued with China. First among these should be joint action against terrorism, including more extensive intelligence sharing and collaboration in field work. Most importantly, Washington can use Beijing to counteract North Korea's nuclear-proliferation ambitions.

The assumption that China would act in accordance with international order and join a global campaign against North Korea without any precondition is nothing but wishful thinking. In fact, China's hosting of the six-party talks illustrated its intention to broaden its global influence.

While President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) floated his "one country on each side" of the Taiwan Strait idea and pledged to hold a referendum to demonstrate Taiwanese people's will to join the World Health Organization, Beijing has indirectly told Washington that such a move might cross the "red line" by pursuing international recognition on sovereignty.

The Chinese leaders appear to have learned some lessons and adjusted their strategy to influence the US from the military threats and verbal attacks of the past. The notion that China might take advantage of the US call for help in its global anti-terror campaign and a joint resolution on the Korean crisis to downgrade Taiwan's position deserves special attention.

Whether the North Korean agenda would be a turning point for the improvement of US-China relations and the meltdown of bilateral differences in areas of trade, human rights and weapons control remains to be seen. However, Taipei should not overlook China's underhanded tactics. Playing a cooperative role in deterring a regional crisis does not mean China will automatically transform itself into a peace-loving, democracy-oriented country.

Powell's statement is by no means a wake-up call for Taiwan. The Chen administration should firmly express its concerns to its counterpart in Washington and ask the Bush administration to promise that Washington would not tradeoff its interests and democratic values to China in exchange for Beijing's conditional support of a peaceful solution to North Korean situation.

Liu Kuan-teh is a Taipei-based political commentator.
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