At the end Suharto was even capable of admitting "mistakes and errors" he had made during his 32 years in power in Indonesia before he resigned on May 21, 1998 in the face of weeks of violent street protests.
His generals finally told the aging ruler it was time to go -- and Indonesians began to speak of democracy breaking out in their country of 18,000 islands.
Now, after years of turbulence and violence and two more presidents, relative peace has returned, and many Indonesians hope and believe they are on the road to stability, despite many obstacles still to be overcome.
Few would have believed it after Suharto was pushed out. Ethnic conflicts, for too long suppressed with naked force, exploded across the country, exacerbated by a severe economic crisis.
In Aceh, on the Moluccas and on Borneo, thousands died in the ensuing violence. Radical Islamists rose up. And in East Timor, annexed by Indonesia in 1975, a popular referendum over autonomy from Jakarta resulted in a bloodbath in 1999, incited by pro-Indonesian militias backed by the Indonesian army.
Indonesia, with its population of around 215 million inhabitants the world's fourth-largest country, has taxed to the limit the abilities of two presidents since Suharto was toppled.
His immediate successor Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie was seen only as a transitional solution, even though in June 1999 he called the first freely democratic parliamentary elections for 44 years.
The winner of those elections was the party of Megawati Sukarnoputri, the daughter of of the country's first president, Sukarno.
But the moderate Muslim leader Abdurrahman Wahid took over as head of state, soon coming into conflict with parliament over his style of government.
In July 2001 he gave may to Megawati, 56, who is often referred to as something of an enigma in Jakarta. She does not like to make speeches, despite her political background as the daughter of the president who took the country to independence from the Dutch.
Nevertheless, over her two years in office, East Timor has gained independence and other important reforms have been introduced.
The military, almost all-powerful under Sukarno, has lost its guaranteed seats in parliament, the provinces have gained power with their own legislative chambers and the president will in future be directly elected by the people.
Under her rule, potential sources of conflict within the diverse country have been damped down.
"The stability factor that has long been lacking in this country is now there," says Jochen Sauter, manager of the German Chamber of Commerce and Industry in Jakarta.
And the Asiatic Development Bank (ADB) also praises the country for its new-found stability.
"Political stability, a healthy economic policy and progress in structural reforms have all helped strengthen the currency, while interest rates and inflation are falling," it says.
Economic growth of around 3.4 percent is predicted for the current year, with a rise to 4 percent next year.
But the ADB also criticizes some aspects, calling for a more stable system of justice and "greater security in the political parameters at regional levels" in order to secure new investment in the longer term.
Many judges are seen as willing to take bribes, and international agencies tend to regard Indonesia as among the world's most corrupt countries.
More importantly, the spectre of militant Islamist fundamentalism has hung over the country since the bomb attacks on Bali last year claimed more than 200 lives, even though the overwhelming majority of Indonesian Muslims are moderates.
Under pressure from world leaders, Jakarta acted quickly and had dozens of suspects arrested.
Observers believe Megawati is likely to profit from her decisive action in the parliamentary elections next year, as well as gain support internationally.
But the threat of Islamist extremism has clearly not been banished for good.
The past few months have seen tremendous strides in India’s journey to develop a vibrant semiconductor and electronics ecosystem. The nation’s established prowess in information technology (IT) has earned it much-needed revenue and prestige across the globe. Now, through the convergence of engineering talent, supportive government policies, an expanding market and technologically adaptive entrepreneurship, India is striving to become part of global electronics and semiconductor supply chains. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Vision of “Make in India” and “Design in India” has been the guiding force behind the government’s incentive schemes that span skilling, design, fabrication, assembly, testing and packaging, and
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
As former president Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) wrapped up his visit to the People’s Republic of China, he received his share of attention. Certainly, the trip must be seen within the full context of Ma’s life, that is, his eight-year presidency, the Sunflower movement and his failed Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, as well as his eight years as Taipei mayor with its posturing, accusations of money laundering, and ups and downs. Through all that, basic questions stand out: “What drives Ma? What is his end game?” Having observed and commented on Ma for decades, it is all ironically reminiscent of former US president Harry