In the Past few years, the Taiwanese political arena has been divided into two major groups: the pan-blue and pan-green camps. Because the DPP, in the pan-green camp, embraces anti-authoritarian figures, the pan-green camp has always been representative of ideas of reform, progress, democracy, freedom and liberalism. The pan-blue camp, in contrast, is representative of conservatism, given its claims to values such as stability and affluence.
In terms of the values and policies generally associated with liberalism on the one hand and conservatism on the other, however, the positions of the two camps on cross-strait issues are reversed. The pan-green camp appears to more conservative, showing a strong inclination for national security, collective identity and maintaining the status quo. The pan-blue camp, by contrast, leans toward liberalism, arguing for cross-strait exchanges in the spirit of the principles of international finance and trade as advocated by neoclassical economists. The difference between the two camps has become more apparent and clear-cut ever since Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) joined the pan-green camp.
The political party that shows a strong inclination for conservatism in domestic affairs tends toward liberalism in cross-strait relations. In contrast, the liberals who call for reform in domestic affairs displays signs of conservatism on cross-strait issues. The difference in attitude between the two parties reflects their divergent views on cross-strait relations. Because our vital interests are becoming more intertwined than ever with cross-strait relations, the party traditionally inclined towards liberalism, having come to power, has adopted a more conservative approach to an increasing number of issues. By contrast, the party traditionally inclined toward conservatism, having lost power, emphasizes freedom and liberty. Public opinion on this apparent role-reversal has appeared unfavorable to the pan-green camp, which has always bragged about reform.
In the past two-and-a-half years, opinion surveys indicate overall support for the pan-green camp has not markedly increased. As we saw from the recent Taipei and Kaohsiung mayoral races, it is evident that some center-ground voters no longer place their hope in the ruling party, for all its talk of progress, reform and freedom. The appeal for national identity and the issue of ethnic conflict no longer inspire these centrist voters. But a ruling party's prospects of remaining in power become uncertain once, whether pan-blue or pan-green, it loses the support of these voters.
Both the ruling and opposition parties need to review their positions. The opinions of voters have changed. Putting aside the die-hard voters at the two extremes of the cross-strait issue, the views of a vast majority of centrist voters are now quite different from those before the transfer of power in 2000. Because of our worst ever economic slump in the past two years, center-ground voters no longer care so much about unification or independence. Nor do they think that frequent economic exchanges across the strait undermine national security. What the people care about is whether they will have security and if their country has a future.
On the contrary, the rivalry between Lien Chan (連戰) and James Soong (宋楚瑜) in the pan-blue camp has not eased. The scrambling for personal gain in the blue camp could easily foster ill-will toward the KMT, with its traditional image as an authoritarian rigid conservative party. The pan-blue camp would do well to embrace domestic political and economic reform with the same open, aggressive attitude that it has towards cross-strait issues.
Lin Ting-fang is a graduate student in the Institute of Political Science at National Taiwan University.
Translated by Grace Shaw
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