Now halfway into his term, President Chen Shui-bian's (
There are set procedures for the formulation of public policies, whereby government agencies discuss and reach a consensus and then seek a broader societal consensus. Only then can policies be implemented. If agencies hold divergent opinions on a controversial policy, then it is obviously not a good time to make decisions about it. Even if a decision is forced, there will be difficulties implementing it -- the decision to halt the construction of the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant is a prime example. Without adequate internal coordination or external communication, the government announced it was halting construction of the plant. It then had to resume construction after enormous pressure from business and opposition parties. Taiwan paid a big price for that mistake. If the government's policy-making process had been more refined, much of that price and social cost could have been reduced or even avoided.
As far as the DPP is concerned, Chang Chun-hsiung's (
A cross-party alliance appears to be the key to the DPP breaking through the opposition blockade in the Legislative Yuan. Chen, however, has been talking about both a summit of party leaders to discuss possible constitutional amendments and building a majority "alliance for national stability." No details have emerged to back up either plan. So it is no wonder that the hype coming out of the Presidential Office has made the opposition wary and led it to accuse the DPP of duplicity or trying to create a "black gold" alliance. Taking about two diametrically opposed options is not only incomprehensible to the opposition parties, but also unacceptable to society at large.
Then there is the Romanization fiasco. The government has opted for Tongyong Pinyin instead of China's Hanyu Pinyin system -- which the UN and most of the rest of the world has become accustomed to. However, the central government says it will not force local governments to adopt the system. So why bother with it in the first place? The Romanization on road signs and government material will remain just as bewildering as ever -- perhaps even more so -- making it more difficult for foreigners to adapt to life here.
Based on the DPP's administrative record, it appears that both the government and the party choose the most confrontational decision-making model everytime. Teenagers operate that way, governments should not. It is time the DPP matured a bit and took the time to fully study the obstacles it faces, work out a consensus, try to avoid conflicts and handle political disputes in a way that allows stable political, economic and social development. The people of Taiwan don't need political roller-coaster rides, they need to see concrete action on economic development. Otherwise the DPP will have a hard time convincing anyone to take a chance on it again.
Could Asia be on the verge of a new wave of nuclear proliferation? A look back at the early history of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), which recently celebrated its 75th anniversary, illuminates some reasons for concern in the Indo-Pacific today. US Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin recently described NATO as “the most powerful and successful alliance in history,” but the organization’s early years were not without challenges. At its inception, the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty marked a sea change in American strategic thinking. The United States had been intent on withdrawing from Europe in the years following
My wife and I spent the week in the interior of Taiwan where Shuyuan spent her childhood. In that town there is a street that functions as an open farmer’s market. Walk along that street, as Shuyuan did yesterday, and it is next to impossible to come home empty-handed. Some mangoes that looked vaguely like others we had seen around here ended up on our table. Shuyuan told how she had bought them from a little old farmer woman from the countryside who said the mangoes were from a very old tree she had on her property. The big surprise
The issue of China’s overcapacity has drawn greater global attention recently, with US Secretary of the Treasury Janet Yellen urging Beijing to address its excess production in key industries during her visit to China last week. Meanwhile in Brussels, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen last week said that Europe must have a tough talk with China on its perceived overcapacity and unfair trade practices. The remarks by Yellen and Von der Leyen come as China’s economy is undergoing a painful transition. Beijing is trying to steer the world’s second-largest economy out of a COVID-19 slump, the property crisis and
As former president Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) wrapped up his visit to the People’s Republic of China, he received his share of attention. Certainly, the trip must be seen within the full context of Ma’s life, that is, his eight-year presidency, the Sunflower movement and his failed Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, as well as his eight years as Taipei mayor with its posturing, accusations of money laundering, and ups and downs. Through all that, basic questions stand out: “What drives Ma? What is his end game?” Having observed and commented on Ma for decades, it is all ironically reminiscent of former US president Harry