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Search goes on for the real A-bian

`He [Chen] must stop relying on an expedient, piecemeal, unorthodox and inconsistent style of governing. If he doesn't do so, he will find no sense of security for the rest of his term in office either from inside or outside of the system.'

In 1996, when former US president Bill Clinton was seeking a second term in office, The Economist magazine published an editorial entitled, "Which Clinton?" It quoted a joke told by an advisor of the then Republican presidential candidate Bob Dole, the gist of which was that although Dole and his running mate Jack Kemp were very different, the differences between them paled in comparison to the differences between Clinton and Clinton.

Clinton was mocked this way primarily because he lacked consistency. One moment he was an idealist, the next he was a pragmatic realist. One day he would excoriate terrorism, the next he would hold talks with terrorists. Sometimes he was full of vim and vigor, but at other times he was dissolute and undisciplined, even uncouth. As a result, not only Americans asked which Clinton was the real Clinton, but even foreign political leaders who had to work with him couldn't be certain.

Political figures tend to be rather fickle, but the president is no ordinary political figure. He can't act like the moon, looking different on the 15th of the month from the way he looked on the first, or change character between day and night. Even more importantly, he can't act like a hyperactive child, spouting one strange idea after another. Coming up with one idea today, then, in a sudden stroke of genius, trying something new and different tomorrow.

Such a president leaves only a vague impression. His style is changeable and his views float every which way. No one can pin him down, and no one can catch up with him. History has shown that presidents with this sort of personality are generally failures.

President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁, A-bian) is similar to Clinton. Both are national leaders with hopes and dreams of doing something great. But both have a powerful sense of insecurity about their authority within the system, so they both seek a feeling of security from outside of the system. The power game within the system has fixed rules to follow, but outside of the system one must depend on the use of crafty political tricks.

The problem is that crafty politics relies on expediency, and expediency involves improper measures. If the president frequently forsakes proper measures in favor of expediency, then no matter how convincing his excuses, the result will inevitably be a continual crisis of authority within the system.

Actually, since A-bian took office, many of his policy initiatives represent concrete evidence of his quest for a sense of security outside of the system -- from the early national policy advisory group -- the President's Advisory Group on Cross-Strait Relations -- and "government for all the people," to the Economic Development Advisory Conference, coalition government, alliance for a legislative majority and the imminent alliance for national stabilization.

In a short year and a half, these "seven great governing creations" have not only failed to resolve Chen's crisis, but because one creation followed another, everyone has become confused about what the policies actually are. As a result, his creations appear unsustainable and the people's trust in his government has declined. Rather than subsiding, the crisis in government has intensified.

A-bian's seven creations might all be considered reasonable if looked at individually, but his style of changing ttrack or even of setting off down a new road altogether when he meets an obstacle can only be considered tactical. And there is frequently no logical relation between the different tactics adopted. They lack a unifying "strategic backbone." It's like playing baseball. It would be hard to win a game if every batter used a hit-and-run strategy.

A-bian's "pastiche-style" of governing has revealed inconsistencies in both tactics and strategy, and even his statements and behavior share these short-comings. If he were at all consistent, he wouldn't say earnestly during the day that he wants to form an alliance with the opposition parties while lambasting them by night as "dogs biting dogs."

No one is going to be taken in by someone who calls him a dog, then appear at his door a few days later to announce with all humility that he wishes to honor him as a distinguished guest, form an alliance with him and allow him to enjoy a share of power. But A-bian is capable of behaving in precisely such a deranged manner, completely forgetting even the most basic precepts about personal conduct. It's truly baffling.

For over a year now, A-bian has wasted too much time seeking a sense of security from outside of the system. There are two years left in his term. He must stop relying on an expedient, piecemeal and inconsistent style of governing. If he doesn't do so, he will find no sense of security for the rest of his term in office either from inside or outside of the system.

Wang Chien-chuang is president of The Journalist magazine.

Translated by Ethan Harkness
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