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Editorial: When the blind lead the blind

Many people placed high hopes that the KMT's 16th national congress -- its first since losing political power last year -- might lead the party to deep soul-searching and rejuvenation. They hoped the KMT's rebirth would help Taiwan build a healthier environment for party-political competition. The congress, however, turned out to be a total disappointment. Instead of having any far-reaching impact on Taiwan politics, the congress was blown out of the limelight by Typhoon Toraji.

The party set four keynote topics for the congress: reforms, monitoring government corruption, restructuring the party machine and "fighting for democracy, fighting for Taiwan's survival." But glib slogans aside, the congress remained locked in the party's ritual mindset of the past. There was no meaningful review of why the party lost last year's election. Nothing was said about the future direction of either the KMT or Taiwan. The centenarian KMT appears to be suffering from Alzheimer's -- unable to remember why it lost power, what happened yesterday, or what it needs to do to survive, the party floats along in a haze of its memories of yesterday's glories.

Under its former chairman Lee Teng-hui (李登輝), the party localized its administration and defined Taiwan's relations with China as "special state-to-state" in nature. Domestically, the KMT under Lee pursued freedom and democracy and economic development, while it sought security and self-determination on the international front. Even though Lee faced opposition from vested interests -- many in the KMT itself -- both Taiwan and the party were able to make steady progress.

Lien Chan (連戰) initially planned to have his "confederation" proposal incorporated into the party charter as the party's cross-strait policy platform, largely it appears, as a way of distinguishing himself from Lee. But the idea was opposed by both the pro-unification and pro-localization camps and Lien backed down. It was a major blow to his authority within the KMT as well as the party's policy direction on cross-strait affairs.

The KMT lost the presidency due to a lack of "internal unity," KMT-speak for cutting out James Soong (宋楚瑜). The likelihood of further splits will pulverize the party's hopes of a "second transfer of power" following the December elections. Nevertheless, the KMT added new clauses to its charter during the congress that are aimed at excluding both Lee and Soong. As is evident in the amendments made to the chairperson's qualifications in the charter, we can see that Lien is still trying to protect himself against Soong's ambitions. The KMT has engaged in superficial cooperation with Soong's People First Party, while actually working hard to compete with the PFP for mainlander votes. Both parties have put forward candidates for the Taipei County Commissioner's seat, proving their talk of inter-party cooperation is just another pipedream.

The "non-mainstream" camp demanded Lee's expulsion from the party during the congress. Lee is, however, the KMT's symbol for localization. Any move to expel him will once again turn the KMT into an alien party and cause it to lose the support of the majority Taiwanese. It would be political suicide and something that the KMT will have to quietly avoid, even though it has turned its back on localization.

The KMT is facing so many fundamental problems, but its 16th national congress turned a blind eye to them. Instead everyone was engaged in their own personal power struggles. Unless the party can once again find a common cause and an inspired leader, it is unlikely to ever return to its glory days.
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