Since Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi rose to power, his popular support has remained high, even reaching a remarkable 87 percent, the highest record among all prime ministers in his nation's history. Koizumi has voiced his determination for reforms, not hesitating to reform his Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), and has put forth a series of new proposals to rehabilitate Japan's economy and pull the nation out of the economic mire. The Japanese people's profound trust in him also attests to their worries about the deteriorating economy.
In comparison, since Taiwan achieved the transition of political power last year, the path of re-forms, in which people have anchored great hope, has become tottery amid the fights between the ruling and opposition parties, the government's lack of foresight and its policy flip-flops. In addition, the domestic economy is worsening. All this has caused a nose-dive in popular support for the government, as in the stock markets.
In the light of the disorderly situation, the Koizumi phenomenon appears thought-provoking. How could Koizumi win such high public support despite the Japan-ese people's general detestation of their politicians? Perhaps, Taiwan's political figures can gain some inspirations from him.
First of all, Koizumi has served three terms as a member of the House of Representatives and inherited his elder generation's turf and political resources. This "hereditary politics," nothing new even in Taiwan, has been a target of public criticism in Japan. But, instead of being conservative and inflexible, Koizumi has his own particular style and unique viewpoints.
Inside the LDP, he is a rebel who raises the flags of reforms and does not hesitate to let the party be destroyed and then reborn. Outside the party, he is a "weirdo" with frizzled hair, listening to rock-and-roll music and doing whatever he wants.
The noteworthy part is that he rarely goes back to provide services for his constituents on weekends. He believes he should serve the whole country and give priority to the national interests, instead of serving only his constituents or some particular groups. He thinks it is the responsibility of local government chiefs and councilors to seek subsidies for local construction.
Predictably, Koizumi bears a lighter political baggage and receives fewer requests from his constituents, so that he can have the extra strength to initiate reforms and resist the pressure from interests and lobbying.
Taiwan's legislators have to choose between policy work and constituency service. If they focus on their performance in the legislature, they will have to reduce their services to voters -- and this brings pressure to satisfy their "pillars" (
Koizumi has come to global attention because he has changed people's impression of the degenerate election culture and insisted on being an independent-thinking elected representative, instead of an "election apparatus."
Furthermore, after assuming the prime minister's post, Koizumi has outlined a new blueprint for future reforms of Japan's econo-mic structures, including the privatization of the postal service, the integration of government and financial institutions and writing off the banks' bad loans.
The postal service and financial institutions have been major sources of votes and finances for the LDP. Koizumi is willing to take the risk and conduct reforms simply because he intends to sever the ties with money politics and resolve the bleak economic prospects that have persisted since the bursting of Japan's bubble economy. Many economists have predicted that Japan's economic growth this year will come near zero; without reforms, the nation's status as Asia's economic leader will be threatened by China.
Taiwan is facing the same pressures as Japan in terms of the deteriorating economy and whether the economic growth rate can reach 3 percent this year is still uncertain. The government wants to provide solutions by convening the cross-party economic advisory council, but, with political considerations outweighing the economy, whether or not the economic slowdown can be resolved depends on the determination of high-ranking officials. Otherwise, once Taiwan steps into Japan's path, the local economy will be more difficult to recover than that of Japan.
Koizumi has boldly put forth new strategies for Japan's politics and foreign relations, including constitutional reforms to promote direct elections of the prime minister, and re-defining the self-defense forces and US-Japan relations. Revising the constitution is quite a sensitive issue, and interpretations of the right to "collective self-defense" stipulated in Article 9 of the constitution have especially caused worries among neighboring countries. Koizumi understands that despite the safeguards provided by the US-Japan Security Treaty, Japan, facing threats from China and North Korea, will inevitably become a victim between the US and China if the nation lacks independent strategic thinking and diplomatic status.
This also reminds Taiwan that if it solely relies on US protection and demands that the US increase arms sales, it may not only start an arms race across the Taiwan Strait but also become a strategic pawn of the US in the Asia-Pacific region. If Koizumi can understand the facts, Taiwan, whose strategic status falls behind that of Japan, should think about how to tread its own path between the two powerful nations.
Koizumi still has right-wing beliefs and sometimes his behavior -- including worshipping at the Yasukuni shrine -- Shinto shrine dedicated to dead soldiers -- and refusing to apologize for the government's decision to revise textbooks -- have attracted criticism. But it is unquestionable that he is a politician with the determination for reforms. No matter how long his popular support rate can last, his political life and recent remarks that he did not hesitate to dissolve the Diet for the sake of reforms?have demonstrated his drive in launching reforms. In comparison, Taiwan's politicians are still at strife over power and interests, showing their short-sightedness and narrow-mindedness. Can Taiwan have room for reforms in the future? The Koizumi phenomenon deserves reflection by all politicians.
Wang To is a DPP legislator.
Translated by Jackie Lin
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