THE OVERSEAS CHINESE democracy movement began in the mid-1980's. In 1989 the movement achieved international recognition, but after that it gradually declined. In 1999, the highly publicized clashes between two of the movement's leaders, Wei Jingsheng (
Recently the situation has improved. Last December, during the Conference for the Overseas Chinese Democracy Movement Coalition in which Wei acted as the chairman, the most prominent headline was that Wang also attended. The two reconciled, and promised to work together towards realizing democracy in China. When we analyze this turn of events, there are several points that deserve our attention.
1. The basis for this reconciliation was external pressure. On Nov.15 last year, The Wall Street Journal published an article that severely criticized Wei Jingsheng. The article had obvious biases as well as a lack of objectivity, and there was an outcry in the overseas Chinese community. Immediately afterwards Wang Xizhe publicized his support for Wei, and Wei also quickly responded. This was what brought about Wang's attendance at the above conference, a turn of events that the paper probably had not foreseen.
What this means is that, although the overseas Chinese democracy movement might have some internal divisions, it can nonetheless unite and respond effectively when there is sizable external pressure. This ability is in fact a prerequisite for opposition parties. One only needs to look at Taiwan's DPP, whose extensive internal divisions and factional conflicts did not prevent its working as one to secure the presidency. It is therefore obviously premature to declare the cause of the overseas democracy movement a lost one simply because there are dissenting voices within.
2. The reconciliation between Wei and Wang served both to boost morale and to combine forces. Since 1998 the movement has reorganized into many different loosely associated coalitions. These include the Conference for Overseas Chinese Democracy Movement Coalition with Wei as chairman and the Overseas Chinese Democracy Movement Roundtable organized by Wang Xizhe and Wang Bingzhang (
3. Finally, Wei and Wang's reconciliation has provided the movement with considerable insight. The Chinese exile community in recent years has not accomplished any significant achievements. This, of course, deserves criticism. Yet it has only been 20 years since the overseas Chinese democracy movement first began, and there is still much to be learned and much training to be done. It is thus unrealistic to expect that they will already function in the manner of an opposition political party and that qualified political leaders will quickly emerge from their midst.
Wang and Wei's reconciliation thus has symbolic significance: It means that the overseas Chinese democracy movement, silent for way too long, has found its beginning point once again, and is preparing to cover new ground.
When the political situation in China changes, the Overseas Chinese Democracy Movement will obviously have an important role to play. There is of course still much preparation to be made for that day's arrival, and the search for unity is but the first important step.
Wang Dan was a student leader during the 1989 Tiananmen Square demonstrations in Beijing. He is currently a graduate student at Harvard University.
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
The past few months have seen tremendous strides in India’s journey to develop a vibrant semiconductor and electronics ecosystem. The nation’s established prowess in information technology (IT) has earned it much-needed revenue and prestige across the globe. Now, through the convergence of engineering talent, supportive government policies, an expanding market and technologically adaptive entrepreneurship, India is striving to become part of global electronics and semiconductor supply chains. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Vision of “Make in India” and “Design in India” has been the guiding force behind the government’s incentive schemes that span skilling, design, fabrication, assembly, testing and packaging, and
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.