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Taiwan must defend its democracy

One cannot help but feel a little sad these days, with the state of the economy and the chaotic political situation. Not so long ago, however, many of us were riding high on the wave of optimism that swept through Taiwan following the election of Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁). The election results moved pundits here and abroad to describe A-bian's (阿扁) victory as an event unprecedented in Chinese history and a remarkable democratic feat. They even lauded Lee Teng-hui (李登輝), the man known as "Mr Democracy," who presided over the peaceful transfer of power, for his part in engineering a smooth end to 50 years of KMT rule. Overall, the success of "Taiwan's own son" (台灣之子) in snatching the presidency away from the arrogant KMT amazed everyone. Most felt this event truly constituted a watershed in Taiwan's history.

Only a few nations in Asia can rightfully claim the democratic mantle and Taiwan should be proud to be on that short list. Japan's political system is flawed, and some might argue that even today Japan is not a truly democratic state. The Liberal Democratic Party's (LDP) virtually uninterrupted hold on power and its intimate relationship with the state bureaucracy have made it nearly impossible for any opposition party or coalition to wrest power away.

In this respect, the LDP's reign is similar to that of the KMT in its later years. No longer able to use the threat of force, the KMT had to rely on its exclusive powers of patronage, a massive party machine, and "black gold" politics to keep the people in line. The LDP continues to rule in much the same way.

Malaysia's democracy also suffers from the one-party blues, for those in power have so effectively corrupted the government and judicial apparatus that opposition forces have little hope of electoral victory. Singapore also claims to be a democracy, but in truth, its system merely proves that when it comes to silencing political opposition and muzzling the press, a judge's gavel in a libel court is just as effective as a police baton on the street. Sadly, seriously flawed democracies such as these are all too common in a region best known for its authoritarian regimes.

Asian authoritarians argue that their people have values different from those held by citizens in Western democracies. The Western emphasis on individualism and individual rights is supposedly alien to an Asian tradition that emphasizes hierarchy, paternalism and consensus. They say Western democratic politics would simply result in chaos if exported to Asia and democracy activists from Western countries should therefore leave Asia alone. Asian authoritarians have even disparaged their Western critics as "neo-imperialists" who seek to impose their own cultural values on others.

From the authoritarian standpoint, 50 years of KMT rule should not be condemned, but rather praised as the source of the political stability that allowed Taiwan's economic development. Furthermore, it is their opinion that Taiwan's current political and economic troubles are the inevitable consequences of trying to impose an alien democratic system on a fundamentally Asian culture. The essence of this argument is that Asians do not know how to handle the responsibility that comes with individual freedom and democracy. To introduce Western-style freedoms in an Asian nation is to create havoc and let slip the dogs of social, political and economic disorder. Prosperity requires peace, order and good government, which to an authoritarian in Asia mean paternalistic one-party government and a suitably docile populace.

This argument based on fear of disorder is rather weak. No democratic system is perfect, and even the so-called advanced democracies of the West have their problems. In fact, every democratic system, no matter how old, is still a work in progress. The electoral corruption in the US south is the stuff of legends, and even after 200 years of experience the US system is still far from perfect -- as the latest presidential election so clearly demonstrated.

Even the venerable democracy in Great Britain has its flaws, including the embarrassingly undemocratic House of Lords. One should not judge a democracy based on the presence or absence of problems, but rather on how well it handles problems when they do occur. People must not allow fear of disorder to scare them into abandoning democracy, especially when the loudest fear mongers are precisely those who stand to benefit most from authoritarian rule.

Hitler's rise to power during the ill-fated Weimar Republic in inter-war Germany is a perfect example of what can happen when people do not hold fast to democratic norms and protect their institutions.

Chen's victory supposedly drove a stake through the heart of the whole "Asian values" argument. For Taiwan, the transfer of power proved that Lee's democratic reforms were more than just window dressing, and that the will of the people could overcome even a party as wealthy and well entrenched in office as the KMT. But this election also meant something special to those who are not from Taiwan: after years of listening to the likes of Lee Kuan-yew (李光耀) and Jiang Zemin (江澤民) argue that Western-style democracy is incompatible with Chinese culture and "Asian values," here at last was proof that democratic values can transcend cultural barriers.

The Taiwanese are a people deeply imbued with all of the Confucian values so esteemed by Lee Kuan-yew, without any democratic tradition to speak of, and yet they have been able to end peacefully 50 years of one-party rule and establish a vibrant pluralistic democracy. In fact, after an amazingly short period of time, Taiwan now possesses all the prerequisites of a robust democracy: a civil society independent of the ruling party and free from state manipulation, a free press and a public sphere characterized by the free exchange of ideas. To those who harbor the unspoken fear that perhaps Lee Kuan-yew and Jiang are right, the Taiwan experience holds great significance for the future of democracy in Asia.

Of late, however, many foreigners have begun to regret having gone on record with their laudatory comments about Taiwan's democracy. Far from being the proof that "Asian values" are compatible with Western-style democracy, Taiwan is now in danger of becoming the case that proves just the opposite! Rightly or wrongly, many people here blame Taiwan's current economic problems on the political instability that followed A-bian's victory. The blind contrariness of the opposition parties, the rampant factionalism, and the apparent inability of politicians and parties to cooperate for anything other than purely selfish reasons do seem to indicate that Taiwan -- or at least her politicians -- are not cut out for democracy.

The leaders of the KMT seem to agree with this view, and they feel that if their majority in the legislature can effectively paralyze the government and promote economic and social disorder, they will be able to scare citizens into flocking back to the safety of the party that once ruled the island with an iron fist. This is precisely why the next legislative election is so important, both for Taiwan and for the cause of democracy in Asia.

Taiwan's people need to give A-bian and the DPP a massive show of support, and send the KMT and all of the authoritarian rulers in Asia a clear message -- Taiwan's people will not be scared into abandoning their hard-earned democratic freedoms!

Bonnie Hsieh is a freelance writer based in Taipei.
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