Taiwan politics is currently in a rather peculiar state. The DPP is the ruling party in name only, while the opposition KMT actually rules the country through its majority in the legislature.
Yesterday, the Legislature passed amendments to the Income Tax Law proposed by KMT lawmaker Chu Li-luan (
Taiwan's political chaos has its roots in its semi-presidential system and the cloudy rules attached to it. But the lingering bad feelings from the March presidential election are also a factor. The resulting lack of reasoned communication between political parties is sending Taiwan into a vicious cycle of political impasses and economic slumps.
Amending the Constitution may clean up the mess once and for all, but the power to amend the Constitution is now in the hands of the Legislative Yuan. Amendments led by the majority opposition will certainly create major political uproars unless a high degree of consensus is reached between the ruling and opposition parties. This would be an extremely difficult task because a lack of cooperation is what caused the recent squabbles over legislation in the first place.
Some lawmakers have suggested that the president let the opposition form the Cabinet or give up some of the Cabinet posts in exchange for cooperation from the opposition. This suggestion, which amounts to building a substantive coalition government without a formal coalition, is much less feasible than the opposition would like to think. Any exchange of political favors that does not go through a transparent procedure could easily come under criticism for being "under the table" politics. Moreover, the unclear division of powers and responsibilities between the parties could prove detrimental in future government operations, including elections.
Still others have suggested that the Legislative Yuan raise a vote of no-confidence against the premier -- as a litmus test on his authority in the absence of the Legislature's power to approve the premier's appointment -- after the Council of Grand Justices rule on the constitutionality of his decision to scrap the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant. If the premier survives the no-confidence vote, the next round of votes won't come for at least another year.
However, because this in no way changes the partisan structure at the Legislature, the Executive Yuan's policy proposals will still face a hard time in the Legislature. In this sense, a no-confidence vote will not help break the political deadlock.
Since we can't change the rules of the game now, perhaps the most practical approach is to change the players. The DPP could seek the support of the KMT, as well as independent lawmakers who share some of its ideas, and build an open, formal coalition alliance. This might change its "minority government" situation before next year's legislative election and build a more stable political structure. A coalition government is a solution compatible with both political reality and public expectations. After all, Taiwan cannot afford to live another year in a political vacuum nor withstand the massive political, economic and social damage it will bring.
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