On Jan. 1, 1979, the US established full diplomatic relations with the PRC. In order to achieve normalization, Washington acquiesced in Beijing's demand that it terminate its formal diplomatic relations with Taiwan. Since that time, American policy toward Taiwan has been guided by a most unusual piece of legislation -- the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) -- and three US-China joint communiques.
The TRA provides a legal framework for America's commercial and cultural relations with Taiwan. It also outlines the terms of Washington's "unof-ficial" governmental relations with the island and includes provisions for its defense. In the communiques, the US recognizes the PRC as the legitimate government of China and acknowledges Beijing's position that there is only "one China" and that Taiwan is a part of it. Washington also promises not to pursue a policy of "two Chinas" or "one China, one Taiwan," and stresses that the resolution of the Taiwan issue is a matter to be settled peacefully by the Chinese themselves.
Analysts have long agreed that US policy toward Taiwan is both ambiguous and contradictory. For example, the TRA warns that the US would consider any hostile actions directed against Taiwan as "a threat to the peace and security of the Western Pacific," but Washington is not formally committed to Taiwan's defense. The TRA provides a president with an option to defend Taiwan. It is not a treaty. And the third US-China communique -- a document drafted by the Reagan Administration in 1982 -- commits Washington to a gradual reduction in arms transfers to Taipei. But arms sales actually have accelerated. The US has sold F-16 warplanes, AWACs, tanks, frigates, missiles and the Patriot missile air defense system to Taiwan. Washington steadfastly refuses to accede to Beijing's demands that these arms sales be curbed.
In recent years, things have changed dramatically in Taiwan. Opposition parties have formed, restrictions on the press have been lifted and the nation's legislative bodies have been revitalized. Perhaps most significant, a candidate from an opposition party -- a political party that favors de jure independence from China -- now occupies the office of the presidency. It is for these reasons that the island is now described officially by the State Department as a "multi-party democracy." Despite these remarkable changes, however, the US has made very few adjustments in its relationship with Taiwan. In fact, US officials emphasize that Washington's relations with Taipei will not change as a result of the island's democratization.
As Taiwan evolves into a full-fledged democracy -- perhaps the liveliest democracy in the Western Pacific -- an increasing number of individuals contend that it is time for Washington to chart a new direction in its relationship with Taipei. Leaders in Congress are calling on Washington to abandon the fiction that there is only "one China." Other lawmakers want the US to provide Taiwan with an iron-clad security guarantee. Recent efforts to pass the so-called Taiwan Security Enhancement Act may be traced, in part, to an attempt to remove some of the ambiguity from the US-Taiwan security dyad. Still others want to reward the island for its democratization by upgrading relations with it.
Finally, some contend that the US should do more to promote a rapprochement between Taipei and Beijing. For example, Annette Lu (呂秀蓮), Taiwan's feisty vice president, has requested that the US become more involved in promoting peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait. She has even suggested that the leaders of both China and Taiwan should be invited to the White House for talks. Lu reasons that, if the US can promote peace in the Middle East, it should do the same for East Asia.
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